Semin S. A. Social differentiation. The nature of the socio-economic differentiation of the population: a comparative analysis of Russia and Europe Criteria for the economic differentiation of modern society

The nature of the socio-economic differentiation of the population: comparative analysis Russia and Europe

Introduction

Until recently, in the mass of comparative studies devoted to the analysis of social inequality, as a rule, categorical apparatus and concepts developed by Western sociologists were used. Moreover, the theoretical competition between such alternative approaches as (neo-) Marxist, (neo-) Weberian or functionalist is not fundamental in this case - all these approaches were developed in order to offer an explanation for the nature of inequality in modern Western societies. And this is not surprising, if we pay attention to how intensively the social sciences developed in Western countries, starting from the end of the first half of the last century, and how the results of these studies have been disseminated throughout the world.

The success of the post-war development of the capitalist countries of Europe and the United States predetermined the sympathy of most of the scientific community for modernization projects, in which all the same developed countries were proclaimed the standard of development. Atlantic capitalism, with its inherent special structure of social and economic relations based on the institutional triad "market - private property - democracy", was considered by most of the ideologists of the post-socialist reformation as an ideal to which one should and should strive. However, despite the consequences of these reforms, which today can clearly be considered catastrophic for most post-socialist countries, the analysis of social inequality in these societies is still carried out in terms of their relative compliance/non-compliance with Western models. At the same time, which is characteristic, the cultural affiliation and historical conditioning of institutions, which to a large extent form the social organics of specific societies, were until recently considered by these ideologists as secondary (if not completely insignificant) factors that determine the “adaptive potential” of the transforming post-socialist countries. Not surprisingly, the adoption of such a one-sided approach to the assessment and analysis of social inequality in the respective societies often entails problems of an interpretive nature. This, in particular, is the source of such sharp and numerous discussions regarding status discrepancies and the content of such a concept as the “middle class” in relation to transforming countries.

On the other hand, the marginal nature of socio-economic differentiation in a number of countries of the former socialist bloc in Europe ceases to look like an anomaly within the framework of an approach that assumes the historical conditioning of social development processes. According to this approach, in a specific socio-economic order that has developed within the Eurasian civilization and has become a parallel branch of the capitalist industrial-economic system, both social inequality, and the whole system of social group relations, and the stratification hierarchy also have a specific character. Despite the interaction with other systems, for centuries within this extremely stable etacratic order, the class hierarchy was reproduced in a transformed form. This hierarchy in relation to tsarist Russia was clearly characterized by the famous Russian historian V.O. Klyuchevsky. In the estate system, groups differed in legal rights, which, in turn, were strictly connected with their duties and were directly dependent on these duties. They were also the basis of differentiation. Moreover, obligations meant obligations to the state, enshrined in law. The method of determining differences is the legal design, which was, first of all, a legal, and not an ethnic-religious or economic division. Belonging to a class was inherited, but not strictly, which contributed to the relative openness of this system.

At the same time, taking into account the commonality of the socio-technological foundations of all late-industrial and post-industrial (information) societies, the author does not deny the existence in modern societies of an etacratic type of class differentiation based on private property, market relations and division of labor. The modern technical and technological order, which unites all civilizations coexisting in the modern world, gives rise to a professional and qualification division of labor, expressed in the system of professions and occupations. The latter have two aspects: actually technical and technological and socio-economic. The socio-economic aspect of the division of labor determines, on the one hand, socio-professional stratification, which is inherent in all societies. On the other hand, mediated by the labor market and the system of real inequality, it serves as a source of the formation of social classes in the countries of the Atlantic civilizational area.

In this case, we are talking about the possible coexistence and mutual interweaving of two types of relations. The degree of manifestation of one form or another of these relations depends on the rootedness of the historically established institutions that link societies with various civilizational systems. This point of view was expressed by V.I. Ilyin, who also argues that class differentiation as the dominant form of socio-economic inequality is unique to capitalist systems. He is convinced that the class structure is a certain reflection of the distribution of power in accordance with the logic of labor and capital markets, and the formation of classes remains an integral part of the wider process of transition (return) to capitalism. In etacratic societies, it is precisely occupations that differ in the nature (ie, content and conditions) of labor, and not in their qualitative status characteristics developed by the corporatism of a common belonging to one profession.

Thus, a direct comparison of countries that differ in their type of development and/or belong to non-European civilizational areas is not entirely correct. At the same time, works that take into account this specificity are usually reduced to the study of a single country and are practically not included in the context of international comparisons. So, for example, examining the materials of representative surveys of the economically active population of Russia, conducted in 1994, 2002 and 2006. in a number of previous publications with the participation of the author of this article, it was possible to reveal how specifically social inequality is structured in modern Russian society. In particular, when solving the problem of ranking stratification criteria according to the degree of their influence on real differentiation in society, it was shown that homogeneous social groups are formed in the attribute space "power-property".

The fundamental question is to what extent this type of social relations is specific to post-socialist societies in general and Russia in particular. The answer to this question, at least in the form of testing the validity of existing theories explaining the phenomenon of social inequality in modern societies, is essentially the subject of this study.

Conceptual Framework for the Analysis of Social Inequality in Modern Societies

The extreme differences in the incomes of skilled and unskilled workers observed today in developed countries indirectly confirm the validity of the view that has been established in Western literature, according to which the decisive factor of differentiation is employment status, associated with certain characteristics economic activity and position in the labor market. It should be noted that in theoretical terms, this idea is not new, since a fundamental explanation for this phenomenon was proposed in the works of the classics of sociological theory of the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. and is associated with the names of two prominent scientists K. Marx and M. Weber.

According to Marx, inequality in the form of the division of people into social classes arises on the basis of the different position and different roles performed by individuals in the production structure of society. In other words, the most general basis for the formation of classes is social division of labor. This refers to "... a large division of labor between the masses engaged in simple physical labor, and a few privileged, who manage the work, are engaged in trade, public affairs, and later also art and science" .

The division of labor into executive and organizational historically preceded the formation of private property and, during periods of domination of different modes of production, served as the basis for the division of people into exploiters and exploited: in ancient societies people were divided into "masters" and "slaves", in feudal societies - into "feudal lords" and " peasants”, etc. However, with the development of the bourgeois (read, modern) mode of production and the emergence of private property, according to Marx, certain functions, spheres and types of activity in a single production process are assigned to different classes. Since the emergence of the latter, it is not the type of activity that determines belonging to a given class, but, on the contrary, belonging to a class determines a predetermined range of professions that a native of a given class can engage in. Thus, while recognizing the division of labor as such as one of the sources of inequality, Marx, nevertheless, drew attention to the fundamental criterion that explains the inequality of social positions, based on the inequality of people's access to the means of production.

As already mentioned, following Marx, M. Weber, another classic of world sociological theory, was of decisive importance in the development of modern ideas about the sources, forms and essence of social inequality. We note right away that today it is the (neo-)Weberian approach to the analysis of the problems of social inequality that is dominant in the world sociological literature and, in this regard, deserves special attention.

According to Weber, the Marxian model was a source of fruitful hypotheses, but it remained too simple to explain the complexities of stratification, which prompted him to develop an alternative analysis that assumes multiple sources of social hierarchy: in addition to its purely economic aspect, Weber proposed to take into account such aspects as prestige And power, which, along with property were considered by him as the main interacting dimensions of social inequality in any society. Each of these dimensions generates a corresponding type of stratification. In relation to property, these are economic classes; to prestige - status groups; to power-party.

However, unlike Marx, who recognized the objectivity of the existence of classes and the clear division that determined the opposition of their interests according to the criterion of attitude to the means of production, Weber gave a milder interpretation of classes as sets of people with similar "life chances". The category of "life chances" is one of the central ones in Weber's reasoning and is associated with probabilistic estimates of the duration and quality of people's lives. Despite the fact that Weber recognizes the property criterion as an important aspect that determines the class situation (and at the same time “life chances”), the more fundamental aspect in his concept of classes is the market, which, in his opinion, is the main regulator of relations in capitalist societies. . Thanks to the market, it becomes clear who is worth what in society. In this case, not only property is subject to assessment, but also human talents, abilities, in other words, everything that determines the different opportunities for individuals to receive income and other types of benefits in the market. Thus, according to Weber, a class is people who have a similar position in economic sphere: similar occupation, approximately the same level of income, property, etc. As a result, it is no longer group interests, as in Marx, but the interests of a typical representative entering a class that become the source of class homogeneity. In this sense, a class is a non-integral (fuzzy) set of individuals that does not have clear boundaries and is united by close socio-economic parameters.

In fact, the approaches to defining the class situation according to Marx (on the basis of property relations) and according to Weber (on the basis of market relations) are not so contradictory. The ideological confrontation lies in the fact that Weber denied the possibility of a conflict between the positively privileged classes, to which he attributed the owners, and the negatively privileged classes - those who are not owners. Recognition of the conflict of interest between different social groups is still decisive for distinguishing between approaches based on the Marxist tradition and approaches based on the Weberian tradition. However, under mutual influence, followers of both approaches continue to develop ideas about how social inequality works in modern societies. As a result of bilateral criticism and penetration of ideas, there is not only a gradual convergence of the two traditions, but also a clarification of the understanding of certain entities, with the help of which modern researchers comprehend the principles of differentiation of people.

In particular, the most striking example of the continuation of a peculiar (neo-)Weberian tradition in the analysis of social inequality in modern sociological science is the approach of the English sociologist J. Goldthorpe, who proposed a class model of society based on differences in employment status, i.e. differences in employment relations that take place in an industrial society where the principles of economic and technological exploitation are respected.

Goldthorpe argues that the market mechanism that ensures the distribution of people in the system of social division of labor is the main cause of their inequality. At the same time, he distinguishes three main class positions: workers, employers and self-employed: employers buy the labor force of workers and thereby gain some power over them; workers are forced to sell their labor power; the self-employed are, to a certain extent, autonomous workers who are not employees and do not hire labor themselves.

However, much more important from the point of view of studying social differentiation, as the author himself admits, is the inequality that arises within the most massive group of employees. And in this regard, Goldthorpe introduces a new differentiating criterion, which is directly related to the character labor relations - type of employment contract regulating employment. The conceptual justification for this approach lies in the existence of natural risks that employers face when concluding a contract with an employee, namely: the inability to fully control their activities and the specificity of skills and knowledge, the value of which for some types of employment increases in direct proportion to the duration of employment. All these conditions are thus taken into account by the employer and determine the appropriate nature of the employment contract.

Goldthorpe argues that the classes thus distinguished differ in their specific constraints and opportunities, which include those that affect individual economic security, stability, prospects, intragenerational and intergenerational social mobility, and so on.

However, the standard argument of critics of this approach is that Goldthorpe, in contrast to more Marxist-oriented authors, does not distinguish large owners as a separate social group and actually “merges” them with highly qualified employees and top managers. A serious alternative to Goldthorpe's views in this regard is the approach of one of the most consistent contemporary neo-Marxists, E.O. Wright.

Wright, as well as all the followers of Marx, focuses on the fact that the main division of people into social classes in modern societies still lies in the inequality of access to the means of production. This division causes conflicting interests, which is one of the main reasons why it cannot be ignored.

The relations of exploitation, Wright believes, have not lost their significance and, moreover, have not disappeared anywhere. The ideological extension of Marx's views, proposed by Wright, which makes it possible to more accurately describe the nature of differentiation in modern society, is that exploitation is due not only to inequality in the ownership of the means of production, but also to differences in the degree of ownership of organizational and skill assets, as well as the degree of labor autonomy.

Introduction additional criteria exploitation allowed Wright, in particular, to “write” into his scheme the so-called “middle classes”, which occupy intermediate positions between the traditional classes of capitalists and workers. Thus, on the basis of inequality in the degree of autonomy of labor, a place was found in the scheme for the traditional middle class, i.e. petty-bourgeois proprietors who, on the one hand, act either as employers or as self-employed workers, and on the other hand, are not among the big capitalist proprietors, whose decisions often have far-reaching consequences, if not at all contrary to the interests of petty property. A similar logic takes place in explaining the contradictory class positions of professionals and managers, or representatives of the new middle class. The inequality in the possession of special skills, on the one hand, determines the relative similarity of their interests with the interests of the owners, and on the other hand, puts them in the position of the same hired workers.

Thus, the concept of "social class" among scientists who have devoted themselves to the social sciences and, in particular, to the study of the phenomenon of social inequality, still does not have a single interpretation due to persistent differences in views on how societies are organized and what social forces ensure it. development. What is universal in this regard for researchers is only the recognition that people are differentiated in one way or another, and the nature of this differentiation depends on the characteristics of the social and economic organization of society. However, despite the conceptual differences between Wright and Goldthorpe's schemes (cf. table 1), there is reason to believe that in the Western scientific community there is a certain convergence of positions regarding the disclosure of real social inequalities and the hierarchical structures that reflect them. One way or another, both of these constructions reflect the principles of social division in accordance with the logic of the reproduction of modern capitalist societies, the constituent elements of which are the market and the institution of private property.

Table 1. Main modern theoretical views on the nature of social inequality in comparison

Theoretical	Source of class differences	Main classes	The nature of the relationship	Key Analysis Issues
Neo-Weberians (Goldthorpe)	market relations in general, and in the labor market in particular	owners, working class (differentiated by skill level), middle class (service class and intermediate class)	intra- and inter-class competition	segmentation of life chances, social mobility
Neo-Marxists (Wright)	relationship with production	bourgeoisie, working class, other classes (petty bourgeoisie, new middle class)	social conflict due to exploitation	class struggle, exploitation, proletarianization of society

To some extent common feature most modern approaches to the analysis of social differentiation is the adoption of the concept of occupation as an elementary unit of classification ( occupations ). This, in particular, is the basis for many national and supranational classifications (for example, ISCO-88), which are “softened” class models of society that do not directly affect the most acute aspects of the distribution of power, property, and inequality in life chances. One way or another, any state is faced with the need to build a policy in accordance with the differentiated and often multidirectional needs of various social groups, in connection with which the state social statistics in almost every country in the world, as a rule, has not only its own information network that allows you to track the course of social - economic processes in their society, but also a special methodology for evaluating these processes, taking into account national specifics. The structure and meaning of national classifications are largely based on the specific features of the social and economic structure of their countries and are a reflection of the state approach to managing various areas of society. In other words, the state collects and organizes statistics in a certain way in order to make qualified decisions based on relevant information.

National socio-professional classifications, at least in Europe, are usually based on three approaches to the content differentiation of employees:

At the same time, the standard objection to the use of such structures by the scientific community is the lack of not only a unified methodology for their construction, but often a lack of theoretical justification as such. And this is not surprising, since the purpose of statistics is not to analyze any problems, but to routinely describe certain facts of social and economic reality - official statistics can be considered only as one of the possible tools of applied science.

Scientists seeking not only to describe, but to systematize information about the world around them, set themselves the task of not only establishing the extent to which typical representatives of the corresponding social groups are unequal in terms of level and way of life, economic and social behavior, etc., but, more importantly, to explain the nature and causes of this differentiation. In this regard, the data on the distribution of socio-economic indicators in the professional or sectoral context, often published by official statistical bodies, cannot be used as material for a comprehensive study of the nature of social inequality. At best, these data allow you to identify individual "symptoms", but they are likely to be insufficient to make a "diagnosis" of society as a whole.

However, the study of stratification based on socio-professional differences has a solid conceptual foundation. This is confirmed by the results of the discussion on the problems of studying social inequality, which took place on the pages of leading Western journals already at the beginning of this century. In them, in addition to the above-mentioned J. Goldthorpe and E.O. Wright, other prominent representatives of various ideological ideas, such as J. Scott, E. Sorensen, D. Gruski, K. Widen, and others took part. The dispute in this professional environment turned, in particular, on the model of social classes based on professional associations ( occupational groupings), originating from the scientific tradition of E. Durkheim. The authors of the idea (American sociologists Grusky and Widen) suggested that the latter are increasingly becoming fundamental units of exploitation, occupying an intermediate position between the state and the individual. Without going into a list of many counterarguments that have been voiced against this model of social classes, we can only conclude that the logic of the two American scientists is quite consistent with the modern European tradition of uniting social groups based on the aggregation of occupations.

Thus, the professional structure, which embraces the whole variety of professions and links the system of social relations with the economic activities of members of society, can be viewed as a hierarchical system consisting of ranked social positions of economically active members of society. The peculiarity of the socio-professional structure is that it is, as it were, a projection of social differentiation on the processes of economic activity, since it determines the connections between people that are established in the course of these processes. In connections, the unity of occupations and professional differences are fixed as a special form of social differences. Such differences arise on the basis of differentiation of special training and status levels, so the professional structure itself can be considered as a hierarchical system consisting of ranked social positions of workers. At the same time, each group of professions (occupations) with similar social characteristics is considered as a formal-statistical “framework” of a real social stratum. After all, the latter can be identified only taking into account the social values, norms, interests, and lifestyle of the individuals that make up the stratum. In the case of social movements, the assimilation of the norms and values ​​of the social stratum is carried out through industrial social networks, neighborly communication, etc., which requires a certain period of adaptation.

However, occupations themselves directly reflect only the technical (functional) division of labor, and not its social heterogeneity. Therefore, there are quite frequent cases when carriers of the same profession or persons practicing similar occupations belong to different social strata. It is no coincidence that the use in practice of occupation as an empirical indicator of social differentiation often requires the involvement of additional indicators, which in some cases are given decisive importance. In addition, one should take into account the short duration of the life of professions in the conditions of the modern economy with a relatively longer period of existence of social strata. So, for example, it can hardly be argued that the machine operator in the 1930s and 1990s. occupied the same social positions in society. From this we can assume that social strata can change their content as the society itself develops. Nevertheless, despite all the doubts expressed, the sociological classification of professions based on the direct operationalization of the generic properties of labor gives stable and experience-tested results in identifying social strata that reflect socio-economic inequality in society.

Data and method

Solving the problem of finding objective criteria for social and economic differentiation in modern Russia, the author of the article dealt with the materials of representative surveys of 1994, 2002 and 2006, the main purpose of which was to study the new system of stratification that was being formed in the country. The specialization of the surveys made it possible to construct the necessary feature space, covering almost all known dimensions of stratification: human resources, professional and qualification characteristics, behavior in the field of cultural consumption, parameters of owning property, the place of the managerial hierarchy, and many others.

However, the comparative context that distinguishes this study from the tasks set earlier led to the search for such a source of information that would provide similar opportunities for carrying out stratification studies with comparability of the scheme and feature space of national samples. An equally important aspect of this choice was the availability and recognition of the relevant source among experts dealing with similar problems.

The choice was made on one of the largest projects to collect comparative information on the population of European countries initiated over the past decade - the project European Social Survey (or European Social Research). The significance of this project for European sociology is confirmed by the fact that for the first time in the history of the social sciences it was awarded the Descartes Prize for contribution to scientific achievements. One of the main advantages of ESS is the uniform methods of sampling, data collection, organization and data processing applicable to all participating countries - today 34 countries of the Old and New Europe, including Russia, which became a member in 2006. Thanks to this organization, the ESS is one of the most attractive sources of comparative information about the social, cultural and political changes that modern European societies are undergoing in the process of their transformation and mutual integration.

Data collection under the survey program is carried out regularly every two years by a sample survey of the population of the participating countries. Sample sizes vary by country and range from 1,500 to 3,000 respondents (population over 15). On the this moment materials of four waves conducted in 2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008 are available in open access. The research is financed to a large extent by the European Science Foundation and partly by regional organizations interested in disseminating research results.

An equally important feature that determines the choice European Social Survey as an empirical basis for this study is the fact that some of the features of particular interest from the point of view of studying the class structure of European societies are already encoded in it, taking into account the corresponding possibility. First of all, we are talking about a set of indicators that make it possible to determine with high accuracy the position of the respondent in the system of labor relations, assess the degree of autonomy and complexity of their work, establish the status of employment and the main source of income corresponding to it, etc.

A peculiar form, language, with which researchers explain the principles of social and economic differentiation in different societies, are stratification schemes built on the basis of theoretical concepts. The quality of these schemes at the empirical level is determined by their ability to produce social groups that are homogeneous in composition, which, as a result, are recognized by researchers as objective or, in other terminology, real. In the language of mathematics, under the condition of a scrupulously executed operationalization of classes on the basis of a single theory, the variable corresponding to the essence of these classes must be in close correlation with other signs that are recognized as subordinate in relation to the "class", such as: characteristics of the level and way of life, social and economic behavior, etc.

Having determined the general theoretical context of the research situation, which implies the difference in the principles of socio-economic differentiation in societies belonging to different civilizational areas, taking into account the considerations just expressed, we can formulate an operational hypothesis that the objectivity of the existence of social classes, identified in accordance with the theoretical views on the structure of modern, as a rule, late industrial societies, will be less characteristic of countries that are most remote from the core of the capitalist world-system (in other words, Eastern in the civilizational dichotomy "West-East", or southern in the North-South dichotomy). In other words, one can expect that the groupings obtained for the respective countries (be it Goldthorpe, Wright, or simply a criterion of professional affiliation) will turn out to be less stable and less homogeneous due to the weakness or virtual absence of institutional mechanisms that bring the possession of certain resources into line with the criteria of a class situation.

One of the most understandable criteria by which one can determine the adequacy of the stratification model of an empirically fixed reality is the criterion of homogeneity of the groupings obtained using this model. However, this criterion is not sufficient. For researchers involved in the study of society, the concept of "social class" is a very capacious tool with which scientists seek to explain a number of phenomena related to the unequal distribution of resources within society, the characteristics of people's behavior, their attitudes, etc. Thus, it is necessary that the concept of "class" not only correspond to a certain homogeneity in the composition of the characteristics reflecting its content, but that this content itself significantly distinguishes it from other "classes".

If the researcher is faced with the task of checking the applied theoretical schemes and trying to unbiasedly identify group-forming criteria from the entire space of features that characterize the population under study, in a mathematical sense, it can be resolved using the entropy analysis method. IN general view The principle on which this method is based can be described as follows. When selecting from the entire set of social properties available to the researcher such spaces of features (combinations of these properties) for which the entropy value (or measure of the uncertainty of filling a particular space) is minimal, these spaces will show the smallest deviations from the average values ​​of the considered social properties. The proximity of the entropy value of a separate feature space, i.e. limited combination social signs, to the minimum indicates the significance of this subspace among the set of all social spaces in the considered population of respondents. Understanding social inequality as the difference of respondents in the entire composition of the social properties we are considering, on the basis of entropy analysis, it is possible to rank all bundles of attributes according to the degree to which they streamline the studied population. Thus, it becomes possible to unbiasedly solve the problem of identifying the most significant factors of the heterogeneity of the social macrospace, i.e. criteria of social inequality in the studied society. For a detailed mathematical description of the method, the reader may refer to one of the author's previous publications, including earlier original studies using it.

How could one interpret the results of entropy analysis in its application to such a problem as determining the validity of stratification schemes in general and their constitutive (group-forming) criteria in particular. Let's take a combination of P social characteristics, which are some significant dimensions of stratification. What does the "most dense" filling of such a "-dimensional space" mean? If we develop a metaphor that represents the latter in the form of a "residential building", then combinations of specific meanings of features will appear before us in the form of a multitude of "apartments". The more densely individual “apartments” of this “house” are “populated” by respondents (i.e. real observations) and the more of these apartments remain empty, the greater the degree of inhomogeneity of filling will characterize this “house” (space). More strictly, this means that in a given particular space, that is, in the dimension of data of particular dimensions of social inequality, there is a certain order in which cells contained in the space are filled with social observations. In this case, cells ("apartments") can be interpreted as possible "social classes". At the same time, it is absolutely not necessary to have any a priori assumptions about the nature of the relationship between the analyzed features, which, by the way, is one of the most serious limitations when using such a widely used method as regression analysis in stratification studies.

The method of entropy analysis can be explained by one more concrete example. Suppose the task is to test the hypothesis that in some developed society there is an efficiently functioning labor market that ensures, according to the principles of the “Weberian” rational economy, a correspondence between the parameters of income, skill level and occupation. At the same time, another society is taken as an object for comparison, where this market is just being formed - let's call it conditionally "post-socialist". In order to test this albeit very rough assumption with the help of entropy analysis, it is necessary to operationalize the hypothesis in a form adequate to the method used and imagine the system of inequality in the form of a space of corresponding empirically fixed features (“income level - education - occupation”). Then the non-randomness of filling this space, that is, the presence of a mutual connection between the three features that form it, can be considered as a consequence of the functioning of the corresponding mechanism - the labor market. Roughly speaking, at the empirical level, the filling heterogeneity index for the considered spaces “level of income - education - occupation” in “post-socialist” countries is likely to be higher than in more developed countries.

The task of determining the specific type of inequality that, according to the assumptions put forward earlier, has formed in some post-socialist countries can thus be reduced to testing a series of assumptions about the universality of the principles of socio-economic differentiation that are traditionally considered by modern theorists.

The model of analysis that underlies the comparison of class schemes can be seen as, to a certain extent, traditional for most comparative stratification studies, the purpose of which is to critically analyze existing classifications and then refine them for international comparisons. This model involves the construction of "social classes" on the basis of key criteria that have received substantiation within the framework of a particular theory, and then the use of these "classes" as a kind of integral indicator of the socio-economic situation. Characteristically, the "classes" identified in this way are then considered by researchers as objectively existing - they recognize the main problem of determining the correlation and content of these "classes" in the societies to be analyzed.

In fact, one does not have to go far to confirm the reality of groupings obtained in this way: the corresponding division in European societies is reflected not only in class-colored collective actions (trade union protests), but also in mutual identification based on belonging to the “whites”, which is very common today in Europe. "or" blue collar ", etc. On the other hand, this situation characterizes the Eastern European countries to a lesser extent, where the relative passivity of social groups against the background of sharply aggravated in the conditions of the global financial crisis problems of a socio-economic nature casts doubt on the thesis of the "class character" of the respective societies. Here, however, it is worth emphasizing that the formation of "class consciousness" or the definition of "class interests" lie outside the scope of the tasks set in this study. As has been noted more than once, a more important task from the point of view of studying the fundamental principles that govern socio-economic differentiation in different societies is a comparative analysis of objective patterns that exist regardless of the opinions and ideas of people and are to a greater extent an objective result of the functioning of relevant institutions. .

Let's start with the fact that the differences in the theoretical approaches discussed above between neo-Weberians, neo-Marxists and functionalists are not considered by the author as fundamental, since all these approaches are based on such a factor as the unequal distribution of socio-professional positions. Empirically, this is easily confirmed by the results of the mutual imposition of the considered stratification hierarchies, which indicate that, subject to certain rules, one can easily move from one classification system to another. Thus, regardless of the emphasis placed on certain components of the class situation by various researchers, the elementary criteria remain the same: employment relations, on the basis of which self-employed and employees are allocated, and occupation (occupation), which, including at the operational level (as, for example, in the case of ISCO-88), already includes a number of important parameters that determine stratification in market societies - the level of education and qualifications, conditions and content of work, etc. The nature of the connection between these factors and the parameters of the socio-economic situation and behavior derived from the “class situation” is essentially laid down already at this basic level.

An alternative to constructing an integral indicator of the "class situation" based on derived parameters is, as already mentioned, a more unbiased method of entropy analysis, which allows one to empirically determine the degree of homogeneity of the distribution of the main characteristics describing the class position.

Modern stratification schemes (classifications), reflecting alternative approaches to the analysis of social inequality, are procedures for the complex combination of information about the socioeconomic status of individuals based on a certain system of basic features. The systems of these attributes can be decomposed into elementary criteria for the purpose of further empirical verification of their real significance as factors influencing certain parameters of the "class position". Moreover, these factors can be considered as interrelated (remember, for example, Marx's earlier cited statement that the attitude to the means of production determines a predetermined range of activities that people can engage in), and existing independently of each other (for example, employment relations and the level of qualifications). And if this nuance is essential when specifying an analytical model based on the regression apparatus, then in the case of entropy analysis, one can a priori do not classify variables into dependent and independent - it is important to determine as objectively as possible how random or non-random the distribution of people in the system of signs under consideration is.

In this regard, we turn to the analysis of spaces that unite, on the one hand, criteria-factors (determining the class position / position in the system of social inequality), and on the other hand - criteria-results (as criteria resulting from a class position/position in a system of social inequality).

Of the entire possible set of spaces, attention was focused on those that, in the opinion of the author of the article, most of all correspond to the three main approaches to stratification considered above: conditionally neo-Weberian (J. Goldthorpe), conditionally neo-Marxist (E.O. Wright) and stratification on based on occupation (ISCO-88). Information on criteria-factors, identified at the elementary (disaggregated) level within the framework of each of the presented approaches to social class division, systematized in table 2.

Table 2. Criteria-factors of the class situation in alternative stratification schemes

An approach	Criteria-factors	Possible gradations based on available information in European Social Survey
based on ISCO-88	occupation	Based on ISCO-88, 1 digit code
based on the classes of J. Goldthorpe	contract type	"term", "perpetual", "no contract"
	employment status
	level of qualification/education	Unified 5-point scale
based on E. Wright classes	employment status	"employer", "employee", "ITR and individual entrepreneurship"
	place in the management hierarchy	Simplified 6-point scale
	level of qualification/education	Unified 5-point scale

Note: for a more detailed description of the feature space based on the materials of the European Social Survey, see Appendix 1

In order not to significantly complicate the procedure of entropy analysis, which turned out to be extremely sensitive to the dimension of spaces , when selecting outcome criteria it was decided to confine ourselves to a simple indicator traditionally used to verify any stratification models - the indicator income. With all the severity of the discussion around the adequacy of using this indicator to assess the financial situation, I would like to make the following remark. Of course, any researcher would like to be armed with a subtle tool that allows diagnosing the financial situation of respondents with high accuracy, and the author of the article is far from an exception here. However, he is also strongly opposed to the overcomplication of social information, since such manipulations are fraught with no less danger of distortion. social facts. In this regard, and also due to the absence of a net income indicator in the materials European Social Survey it was decided to use the subjective assessment of the financial situation, which the respondent gives in relation to the level of income of the household to which he belongs . There is a certain reason for this, not least related to the peculiarity of the method on which the author relies in his research. Considering that the nature of the distribution of these estimates is highly susceptible to such a factor as the general level of the socio-economic situation in a particular country, it would be fair to assume that the analysis uses a deliberately defective indicator. However, from the point of view of the mathematical functional of entropy analysis, this argument makes no sense, since this method considers all scales as nominal and fixes only how nonrandom the deviations from the most typical distributions of feature values ​​on these scales are.

Another argument in favor of using a subjective assessment of income as an approximation of the financial situation of the respondents was that this assessment is very closely related to the placement of the latter on the corresponding interval scale.

Having decided on the attribute spaces to be studied, we can begin to analyze the empirical results that we have obtained. The first such space was represented by, perhaps, the most intuitive system of measuring inequality "occupation - level of qualification/education - income". All of us, as a rule, in everyday observation stratify those around us according to these three main features. Moreover, this system of stratification is to some extent universal for any modern societies: on the one hand, they have a certain technical and technological order that gives rise to a professional and qualification division of labor, expressed in a system of professions and occupations; on the other hand, each of them reproduces and develops the corresponding institution of vocational education, which provides training for individuals to perform various types of activities; and, finally, income is also an important dimension of stratification as a result of the functioning of the mechanism that ensures the distribution of material goods in society.

Returning to the central problem of the study, the author sought to answer the question of how “fair” (natural) is the placement of individuals in the system of these dimensions in different societies? Are those institutional ties really strong that bring the level of professional readiness of people, the level of their material well-being and the place they occupy in the system of functional division of labor into mutual correspondence?

On the figure 1 reflects the results obtained as a result of evaluating the criterion H N (degrees of inhomogeneity) for the corresponding spaces. For the sake of convenience, hereinafter, countries that historically and culturally are carriers of different civilizational features have been highlighted in color. What is the bottom line?

Figure 1. “Fairness” of social and economic inequality in European countries

Note: H N"education - occupation - income"

As can be seen, there is no strict correspondence between the degree of remoteness of countries from the core of the so-called etacratic world-system, of which Russia is the extreme representative in the list of countries represented, in reality. At the same time, the distribution of countries according to the degree of regularity in the distribution of individuals in the corresponding system of stratification (“occupation - level of qualification / education - income”) is not, in the opinion of the author of the article, random.

According to the presented diagram, Russia, neighboring Portugal, is characterized by one of the lowest indicators N N, corresponding to the high randomness of the placement of respondents in the specified space (0D99) . This similarity is largely a reflection of the similar situation on the labor market in both countries, since, obviously, neither Portugal nor Russia can be classified as a country in which this market can be considered developed. On the other hand, the neighborhood with Belgium and, to a lesser extent, France, looks somewhat discouraging, since these countries in the theoretical model adopted by the author are quite clearly classified as countries belonging to the core of societies for which a strong labor market institution is one of the historically determined features. European civilization.

Nevertheless, with the exception of two, in general, deviant cases - France and Belgium, further results of the entropy analysis do not look unexpected. Other former socialist countries that were included in the program European Social Research - Estonia, Hungary, Slovenia, Slovakia, Bulgaria and Ukraine are closely located in one narrow interval (0.214-0.222) according to the degree of regularity in the distribution of respondents in the stratification system under consideration. Such a non-random neighborhood can be considered the best evidence of the institutional homogeneity of countries that once belonged to a single socialist camp, but, unlike, say, from Russia, preserved and reproduced in the new social economic conditions those institutional forms that were characteristic of them as countries, to a greater extent than Russia, gravitating towards the European civilizational area. At the same time, it is worth recognizing that the logic of the location of these countries within this group does not give serious grounds for asserting that, for example, Ukraine (0.222), which we attribute to the semi-periphery of the etacratic world-system, has the corresponding features to a greater extent than the same Estonia (0.214) lying on its periphery. Spain, "messed" in the environment of the countries represented, is less of a random example, since in its case, approximately the same logic applies as with Portugal (see below for details).

The example of Poland, which is so isolated in relation to other post-socialist countries (0.243), to some extent corresponds to the initial ideas: this country lies on the very border of the “post-socialist” world and is today an organic part of modern Europe to the same extent as it is remained market and "dissident" in relation to the mass of states that were part of the "socialist bloc" in the middle of the last century. The general view of how the countries of Old Europe lined up in relation to each other, which, according to none of their essential characteristics, were not part of the etacratic world, at least does not cause any tension from the point of view of those theoretical plots that are subject to empirical verification in the present study.

The general preliminary conclusion from the results that were obtained when considering the system attribute space "occupation - level of education - income" may be that the considered dimensions of stratification are largely derived from how strongly such an institutional component is developed in it. as a labor market (which corresponds to the polarization of countries into developed and post-socialist on the figure 1 ).

Thus, the coordinate system used to analyze social inequality in developed Western societies and, as has been noted more than once, describes the correspondence of incomes, parameters human capital and socio-professional status, with a high probability loses its explanatory ability in European societies gravitating towards the Eurasian civilizational area. In other words, the probability of the formation of real (homogeneous) social groups in the corresponding spaces in etacratic societies is noticeably lower.

Let us now consider one of the most widespread conceptualizations of this approach - the well-known class scheme of the English sociologist J. Goldthorpe, which is most often used to analyze social inequality and social mobility in European countries. The feature space subject to entropy analysis in this case is operationalized as follows: "contract type - occupation - employment status - income - unemployment risk". The risk of unemployment (as a separate resulting criterion of the class situation according to J. Goldthorpe) is not accidental in this case, since it is traditionally included by the British sociologist in his explanatory model, as one of the categories reflecting the "life chances" of people (in this case, "career chances" ) .

The results of the analysis are presented above (see. figure 2). As can be seen, among the countries demonstrating the highest level of correspondence between the indicated features were Sweden, Denmark and Switzerland - one of the most advanced countries of old Europe. The neighborhood of the Scandinavian countries, as, by the way, in the previous example (see . picture 1) is not accidental: apparently, the current model of socially oriented economic development based on the observance of the principles of the welfare state, which with a certain degree of irony can be described as "socialist", is more in line with the logic of the distribution of life chances between people according to J. Goldthorpe than in other developed European countries.

Figure 2. Explanatory power of the J. Goldthorpe scheme (EGP) for various European countries

Note: in terms of inhomogeneity of space filling H N"type of contract - occupation status of employment - income - risk of unemployment"

On the other hand, one can again find Spain, Russia and, which is characteristic, Bulgaria located nearby - here the correspondence between the indicated signs is minimal. And by the way, the example of Spain in this regard does not seem unexpected, since this country belongs to the European civilizational area only conditionally - it is part of the border Ibero-European civilization. By the way, the result obtained here echoes the one commented above for Portugal (see . picture 1). As is known, the specificity of border civilizations (they usually include Russia, Latin America, the Iberian and Balkan regions) is determined, in contrast to the "classical", by the dominant diversity. With regard to the interaction of these civilizations with the core of Western European (more broadly - Western Christian European), they retain traces of the centuries-old influence of contacts with neighboring and neighboring civilizations. In relation to Spain and Portugal - with the Muslim-Arab cultural and civilizational community, in relation to the Balkan countries - with the Turkic-Muslim.

In general, the results obtained demonstrate that the explanatory power of Goldthorpe stratification, which is based on the theoretical assumption that the latter is mediated by the labor market (to a greater extent) and employment status (to a lesser extent), in contrast to a simpler system of stratification (by occupation and skill level) , does not allow differentiating countries according to the degree of conditionality of the functioning of the relevant institutions by etacratic influence. And if the example of Poland, Slovenia and Estonia fits perfectly into the theoretical framework defined above, then the degree of heterogeneity characterizing the regularity of the distribution of individuals in the Goldthorpe scheme for such post-socialist countries as Hungary, Ukraine and Slovakia, in a sense, contradicts the postulate that that the nature of inequality in these countries should have a certain similarity with those patterns that are observed for etacratic countries (for example, in Russia).

Finally, the third scheme, describing the place of a person in the system of social inequality and reflected in the development of the neo-Marxist approach of E.O. Wright, allows you to operationalize the class situation on the basis of such parameters as employment status, skill level in the profession, place in the management hierarchy. For the analysis, an appropriate space was constructed, reflecting all significant dimensions of stratification according to E.O. Wright, adding to them, as in the other two examples, the parameter of financial position (income). The results of the analysis are shown in Figure 3.

Figure 3. Explanatory power of the E.O. Wright for various European countries

Note: H N"status of employment - level of education/qualification - place in the management hierarchy - income"

According to the obtained results, in contrast to the other two cases analyzed above, it is impossible to state with any certainty the relationship between the applicability of Wright's stratification scheme and the nature of the location of countries in the West-East dichotomy. When ranking societies according to the degree of heterogeneity H N attention is drawn not only to the "chaotic" location of their location in the context of civilizational affiliation, but also rather high (in relation to previously considered) levels of the corresponding indicator: from 0.317 in Ireland to 0.474 in Hungary. On the one hand, this situation characterizes a relatively higher density of filling spaces with observations, provided that the condition of their heterogeneity is met, which indicates a higher degree of crystallization of classes in the considered system of inequality equally for all societies. On the other hand, this suggests that the logic of class formation according to Wright (read - Marx) can to some extent be considered universal for all societies, one way or another, following the path of capitalist development, and independent of the macrostructure, due to civilizational affiliation .

Unfortunately, on the basis of such ambiguous results, the experiment with empirical verification of the E.O. Wright cannot be considered successful. One of the possible reasons in this case may be the not entirely correct operationalization of the class situation, however, the author of the article proceeded from the fact that he uses the best operationalization based on the features that were available. Another, no less likely reason may be the insufficient study of the category “class” according to E.O. Wright and its more precise specification in relation to the category that was proposed above to explain inequalities in etacratic societies - estates. One of the basic selection criteria estates, according to the theoretical ideas originally adopted by the author, is a place in the system of the hierarchy of power (both in a particular organization and in the political system of society as a whole), which Wright also has as one of the components of the "class" situation that characterizes the relations of exploitation. Such a terminological convergence, however, is not so accidental, according to the considerations of the German sociologist W. Tekkenberg, who paid considerable attention to the study of stratification in Soviet-type societies. In particular, he showed that groups formed on the basis of a similar socio-professional situation and place in the managerial hierarchy under certain circumstances can crystallize in the form of estates. These circumstances, according to V. Tekkenberg, are the state mode of production, in which inequality is determined by the form of bureaucratic and professional control over access to certain types of resources.

Thus, it is not unreasonable to believe that in the scheme of E.O. Wright, there is a mutual imposition of the actual class situation (determined purely on the basis of relations to the means of production), socio-professional stratification (through differentiation by level of education / qualifications) and class (based on the place in the hierarchical system of power relations). This, in turn, causes such an ambiguous result obtained during the analysis. In any case, in the future it is planned to develop these ideas and, in particular, to pay special attention to the study of the role of non-class principles of socio-economic differentiation.

The calculations were based on materials European Social Survey as a unique source of comparative information on most European countries, including post-socialist ones. However, the use of these materials, as in the predominant number of other cases, when researchers resort to a secondary analysis of data collected not for the purposes of the study they designed, causes certain difficulties. Thus, in particular, the country's place on the scale of "late industrialism (post-capitalism of the Western type) - neo-etacracy of the Eurasian type" can only be judged by indirect indicators. It seems that the most important of these indirect criteria is the degree of meritocracy as the principle of the formation of the national elite. The direct measurement key indicators resources of society such as power (power ) and property, according to ESS materials, it is impossible to implement.

In modern literature, the most recognized typology of existing stratification systems, proposed by Professor D. Grusky. In accordance with this typology, the class system of an industrial society is being replaced by "advanced" industrialism, referred to by other authors as an information (network) society, a post-industrial society, etc. It should be noted that the main value, the main building material of this modern emerging society, in contrast to the industrial class, are not economic resources (means of production), but human resources (education, knowledge and experience).

It is quite obvious that such an approach to the dynamics of modern societies implies a change in the character of the elite. If the class system is based on the formation of an elite that is distinguished by control over the main means of production (in a different conceptual context - control positions in the labor market), then under "advanced" industrialism (information society), control positions are occupied by people depending on their merits to society, connected, first of all, with their creative contribution to the innovative processes taking place in a given society.

Another prominent sociologist M. Castells called this meritocratically advanced part of society information workers. In this system, the class hierarchy is intertwined with an ever-increasing hierarchy for the ownership of human and cultural capital. This means that in the modern information age, such a factor of inequality and the formation of the highest social stratum as the ability of people to assimilate information and apply the acquired knowledge and skills in their activities, that is, to realize their intellectual capital, is becoming increasingly important. Thus, the social hierarchy begins to line up along a scale that measures not only the physical, but also the intellectual capital of individuals and groups.

All of the above applies to the region we are studying (that is, to the post-socialist countries taken in conjunction with other European countries) to the extent that these countries can be classified as post-capitalist. As the analysis of studies by foreign and domestic authors shows, these properties are most pronounced, first of all, in the United States and, to a lesser extent, in Western European countries.

As for the post-socialist world, which is the direct subject of analysis in this article, it can be assumed that in countries such as Russia and other neo-etacratic states, the role of the meritocratic principle in the formation of the elite, replenishing its ranks, is very weakly associated with social selection according to creative criteria.

Therefore, it can be assumed that both in public perception and in real social selection, the degree of expression of meritocratic principles corresponds to the place of the country on the scale between the information (network) and neo-etacratic societies. From this point of view, consider the results of the analysis of materials European Social Survey for the European group of countries.

Despite the difficulties that arose with the empirical verification of the principles of class differentiation, certain evidence was nevertheless found above in favor of the fact that in societies belonging to the so-called European civilizational area, and in societies gravitating towards such, the placement of people in the stratification system " occupation - level of education - income "is a more natural phenomenon than in countries facing the East (and to some extent the South). However, the results obtained look much more interesting in the light of how the population of these countries itself relates to the meritocratic principles of social inequality. To demonstrate this, an additional indicator was introduced into the analysis to assess how people in different societies feel about the principle of social wealth distribution based on their actual achievements, talents and abilities. The European Social Survey questionnaire, in particular, contains the following question: “How much do you agree or disagree with the following statement: my salary corresponds to the efforts expended and the success that I have achieved in my work?” IN table 3 contains information on the share of positive answers to this question (“Strongly agree” and “Agree”) for all countries represented, which allows it to be compared with information on objectively recorded “fairness” of inequality using the indicator mentioned above.

Table 3. Relationship between the degree of perception of the meritocratic principle in the distribution of social wealth and the degree of “fairness” of inequality in the context of European countries

Country groups	The country	Degree of perception of the meritocratic principle	The degree of "fairness" of inequality
Conditionally: European civilizational area	Switzerland
	Norway
	Holland
	Ireland
	Great Britain
	Germany
	Finland
	Portugal
post-socialist countries	Slovenia
	Slovakia
	Bulgaria
Spearman's rank correlation coefficient (in brackets - significance level)

The relationship between both features is obvious, as evidenced by the corresponding correlation index, which was 0.554 at less than 1% significance level. Thus, the subjective opinion of people about how the principle of distribution of social wealth is implemented is practically in functional correspondence with how this inequality is implemented in practice (according to the results of entropy analysis). Moreover, the nature of these subjective assessments, as well as the “fairness” of inequality, depends, among other things, on which “camp” these countries belong to. Thus, in post-socialist countries, the proportion of respondents who answered positively the question about the adequacy of material rewards for their efforts varies from 9.9% (in Poland) to 22.4% (in Slovenia). Whereas for Western European countries, except for Portugal (14.7%), this figure is 22.8% (in Finland) and higher.

Another important indicator that describes the nature of the emerging social inequality in societies is the degree to which the chances of parents and children in the labor market are interconnected. The study of the intensity of intergenerational mobility in the context of the countries under consideration is of particular interest, since the idea of ​​the “estate” of neo-etacratic societies, which we have already expressed more than once, requires additional verification on empirical material. In this regard, the logic of entropy analysis was also adapted to solve this non-trivial, at first glance, problem.

To solve the problem indicated below, it was necessary to analyze the nature of the placement of observations in the space that links the socio-professional positions of the respondents and their parents. For the analysis, the enlarged socio-professional categories according to ISCO-88 were used. The final result is shown in figure 4.

In the figure below, lower values ​​of the degree of heterogeneity H N The space “occupation of the respondent - occupation of the father - occupation of the mother” corresponds to a higher volatility of socio-professional movements. Higher - on the contrary, the lack of socio-professional mobility or, at least, a high probability of reproducing similar trajectories of socio-professional mobility.

Figure 4. The level of "stagnation" of intergenerational socio-professional mobility in European countries, including Russia

Note: in terms of inhomogeneity of space filling H N"respondent's occupation - father's occupation - mother's occupation"

According to the results obtained, Russia is again located not only at the extreme pole of the axis under consideration, but also in the "familiar company" of countries: Portugal, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria. A more general view of the situation makes it possible to characterize intergenerational socio-professional mobility in the post-socialist countries as a whole, as relatively less mobile than in the developed countries of Western Europe. The only exception is Estonia, which is characterized by an increased diversity of socio-professional movements, which, apparently, is associated with a high proportion of so-called "non-citizens" in the population of this country. In general, the author is inclined to believe that this case does not violate the general logic of the analysis.

Our interpretation of the results, however, can be criticized from the point of view that less predictable movements in more developed countries can be caused by a significant “reshaping” of the socio-professional structure of the respective societies, which took place in connection with the transition to a new post-industrial type of economy. . This argument suggests a reduction in the proportion of low-status occupations (predominantly manual labor) in the labor force and an increase in the proportion of more skilled workers, as well as an expansion of the tertiary sector (the service sector). In this regard, it would be logical to assume that in developed societies, the lesser fixation in socio-professional statuses was due to their significant increase in relation to previous generations, which were characterized by less status types of employment. An analysis of the evidence, however, shows that this is not the case (see Figure 5).

Figure 5. Intensity of downward intergenerational socio-professional mobility (in the proportion of respondents who lowered their socio-professional status in relation to their parents)

Designations: RT-Portugal, ES-Spain, RU-Russia, Ni-Hungary, VO-Bulgaria, PL-Poland, EE-Estonia, CY-Cyprus, NO-Norway, SK-Slovakia, UA-Ukraine, UK-UK, FI- Finland, SE-Sweden, DE-Denmark, AT-Austria, NL-Netherlands, FR-France, BE-Belgium, SL-Slovenia, CH-Switzerland.

As shown, residents of developed European countries lower their social and professional status in relation to their parents much more often than representatives of post-socialist societies, as well as representatives of two southern European countries - Spain and Portugal, which has already been interpreted in the context of civilizational affiliation (see Fig. above). Russia, on the other hand, clearly occupies the most unenviable position among the post-socialist countries in terms of mobility indicators.

Against the background of the results discussed earlier, according to which in developed Western societies social stratification is carried out on more meritocratic principles and is mediated by an effective labor market institution, the “stagnation” of intergenerational socio-professional mobility in a significant part of post-socialist countries does not look unexpected and, in fact, is quite sufficient. clearly testifies in favor of the "estate" nature of their social inequality.

Conclusion

The presented study is built on the initial classical tradition in sociology ideas about social differentiation as the prime mover of social change. Differences in the nature of the socio-economic differentiation of some post-socialist societies, including Russia, in comparison with developed Western countries were analyzed both at the theoretical and empirical levels. In particular, the results of the study reflected that the specific nature of social inequality, based on the interweaving of undeveloped elements of class differentiation and class hierarchy, is not accidental in societies that once belonged to the etacratic group of countries and still feel the influence of the Eurasian civilizational system. On the other hand, it is also shown that in countries that are more of a continuation of Western civilization, the stratification hierarchy can be seen as predominantly class-based (i.e., based on place in the system of division of labor and property relations).

In a certain way, in the application to the problems of studying social inequality, the method of entropy analysis has proven itself, which is not traditional in the practice of modern sociological research, not to mention comparative cross-country analysis. Nevertheless, as was shown, the corresponding calculation method can be adapted to study possible relationships in multidimensional feature spaces, in the form of which, among other things, various systems of inequality can be operationalized. Thanks to the use of this mathematical apparatus, in particular, it was possible to solve a number of problems posed in this study and directly related to the processing of empirical material, namely: to test the explanatory ability different approaches in the operationalization of the unequal socio-economic position of individuals in society, to determine the degree of correspondence between different dimensions of stratification, and to explore the nature of socio-professional mobility.

Summing up what has been said above, I would like to note that a lot of work remains to be done to determine clearer differences in the nature of inequality in post-socialist and developed Western societies. In particular, the experiment with testing the validity of social stratification schemes by the method of entropy analysis, despite the rather interesting results that generally fit into the theoretical framework, requires additional verification in the context of comparison with the results obtained using a wider toolkit (for example, the use of multiple regressions, cluster analysis etc.).

In addition, in the process of familiarization with the empirical material European Social Survey and as we worked out our own theoretical ideas about the nature of inequality in non-European societies, some hypotheses secondary to this study were formulated and partially tested, on the basis of which it is planned to develop a deeper analysis of social inequality in societies representing different civilizational systems in the future. The common place of these hypotheses is the assumption that in societies largely based on the state mode of production, a special role in the processes of social stratification belongs to such non-class principles of socio-economic differentiation as gender, race, ethnicity, etc.

At the same time, the limitations of such a source of social information as the materials of the European Social Survey are obvious. In particular, on the basis of these materials, due to the lack of data on the intragenerational dynamics of socio-professional status (career mobility), issues related to the reproduction of real social groups cannot be studied. In addition, in the ESS materials, negligible attention is paid to the disclosure of such important information from the point of view of studying social differentiation as information about property (not only in the traditional sense - movable and immovable property - but also the participation of respondents in the ownership of the means of production, their management, ownership securities, etc.). Finally, the survey contains practically no information on how the respondent's social networks are formed.

Application No. 1

Description of variables for entropy analysis by materials European Social Survey(3rd wave, 2006/2007).

	Question wording	Possible values ​​(subject to additional adjustments)
occupation	the base code according to ISCO-88 contained in the survey database was used	legislators, senior officials, top managers; professionals; technicians, specialists and assistants to professionals; clerks, office workers; service workers and sellers in the market and in the store; skilled workers in agriculture and fisheries; workers associated with manual labor and representatives of similar professions; machine and equipment operators and assemblers; low-skilled workers, representatives of elementary forms of employment; military personnel.
Level of qualification/education	“What is the highest level of education you have received?” (based on a comparable scale given for all countries)	in categories consistent with the Russian education system: primary education (7 grades of secondary school or less) OR incomplete secondary school; Vocational school, FZU, FZO, lyceum without secondary education OR completed secondary school; Vocational school, lyceum with secondary education or technical school (training 2-3 years); secondary special education; technical school, college, college OR several university courses, but without a diploma; Bachelor's degree OR Master's degree OR Completed higher education in a 5-6 year system (specialist's diploma) OR Postgraduate education OR Postgraduate studies, doctoral studies, residency, adjuncture - without a scientific degree OR Scientific degree (candidate, doctor of sciences)
Contract type	"How are you at work?"	"I am framed for permanent job under an indefinite employment contract, contract (that is, without an agreed date for the end of labor relations with the employer)”; “I work under a contract or an employment contract drawn up for a specific period or for the performance of a specific type of work”; “I am not officially formalized at work at all, I work without a contract or an employment contract, only an oral contract”
employment status	“What is your position in your main job? You were)..."	"hired worker"; “work (worked) for yourself, self-employed; engaged in self-employment; entrepreneurship” and the presence of subordinates; “work(s) in a family business” OR (“work(s) for yourself, self-employed; self-employed; entrepreneurial” AND no subordinates)
place in the management hierarchy	“How many people do you manage or are responsible for?”	without subordinates; from 1 to 10 subordinates; from 11 to 50 subordinates; from 51 to 100 subordinates; from 100 to 500 subordinates; from 501 subordinates and more
	“Which of the statements on this card most accurately describes your current family income?”	“we live on this income without experiencing material difficulties”; “This income is basically enough for us”; “it is quite difficult to live on such an income”; “it is very difficult to live on such an income”
Unemployment risk	“Have you ever been unemployed and looking for a job for more than three months?”	"Yes"; "No"

Application No. 2

Algorithm for bringing the socio-professional affiliation of respondents and their parents to a single scale based on the materials European Social Survey(3rd wave, 2006/2007).

Initial encoding of the socio-professional status of parents	Coding of socio-professional status of respondents based on ISCO-88
Upper and Upper Middle Layers: Modern professional occupations(Highly skilled service workers) senior managers or administrators(Senior managers) traditional professional occupations (Traditional professionals with higher education)	Upper and Upper Middle Layers: Legislators, senior officials and managers (Legislators, senior officials, top managers) Professionals(Professionals) Technicians and Associate Professionals (Technicians, specialists and assistants to professionals)
Middle layers: Clerical and intermediate occupations(Medium-skilled service workers) middle or junior managers(Middle and lower managers)	Middle layers: (clerks, office workers) Service workers, shop, market sales workers(Service workers and sellers in the market and in the store
Base and lower layers: Technical and craft occupations (technical workers, skilled workers and craftsmen) Semiroutine manual and service occupations(Semi-skilled workers and ordinary employees) Routine manual and service occupations(unskilled/service workers)	Base and lower layers: Skilled agricultural and fishery workers (Skilled workers in agriculture and fisheries) Craft and related trade workers(Workers associated with manual labor and representatives of similar professions) Plant and machine operators and assemblers (Operators of machines and equipment and assemblers) elementary occupations(Low-skilled workers, representatives of elementary forms of employment)

The study was carried out within the framework of the Program fundamental research State University - Higher School of Economics, topic No. 71 "Comparative analysis of the development of post-socialist societies."
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Ibid., T.4, p. 310
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Wright E.O. The comparative project on class structure and class consciousness / The Comparative Project on Class Structure and Class Consciousness, Technical Paper Series, No. 1. Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982; Wright E.O. classes. L.: Verso Editions, 1985; Wright E.O. Class, Exploitation, and Economic Rents: Reflections on Sorensen’s ‘Sounder Basis’ // American Journal of Sociology. Vol. 105, No. 6. 2000.
These conclusions are based on an analysis of a number of national socio-professional classifications in Europe, which was devoted to a special issue of the authoritative French journal Societes contemporaines (‘Enjeux el usages des categories socioprofessionneltes en Europe No. 45-46, 2002 (1-2).
Sorensen A.B. Toward a sounder basis for class analysis // American Journal of Sociology. 2000. 105(6); Wright E.O. Class, Exploitation, and Economic Rents: Reflections on Sorensen’s ‘Sounder Basis’ // American Journal of Sociology. Vol. 105, No. 6. 2000; Goldthorpe J.H. Rent, class conflict, and class structure: A commentary on Sorensen // American Journal of Sociology. May 2000. 105(6); Goldthorpe J. Occupational Sociology, Yes: Class Analysis, no.: Comment on Grusky and Weeden's Research Agenda // Acta Sociologica. 2002. 45(3); Rueschemeyer D., Mahoney J. A neo-utilitarian theory of class? // American Journal of Sociology. 2000. 105(6); Grusky D., Weeden K. Decomposition Without Death: A Research Agenda for a New Class Analysis // Acta Sociologica. 2001. 44(3); Grusky D., Weeden K. Class Analysis and the Heavy Weight Convention 11 Acta Sociologica. 2002. 45(3); Scott J. Social Class and Stratification in Late Modernity // Acta Socioloca. 2002. 45(1).
The general result of these studies is summed up in the monograph Shkaratan O.I. and team. Socio-economic inequality and its reproduction in modern Russia. Moscow: Olma Media Group, 2009.
For comprehensive information on the survey, see the Internet: http://ess.nsd.uib.no ; http://www.ess-ru.ru ; http://www.cessi.ru/index.php?id=141 .
Conceptualization of the concept of a real (homogeneous) social group, including some considerations for the operationalization of this concept in the practice of empirical research, are considered in detail by us in: Shkaratan O.I., Yastrebov G.A. Identification of real (homogeneous) social groups in Russian society: methods and results // Applied Econometrics. 2007. No. 3.
Taganov I.N., Shkaratan O.I. The study of social structures by the method of entropy analysis // Questions of Philosophy. 1969. No. 5; Shkaratan O.I., Sergeev N.V. Real groups: conceptualization and empirical calculation//Social sciences and modernity. 2000. No. 5; Sergeev N.V. Ranking of stratification criteria by entropy analysis // World of Russia. 2002. No. 3; Shkaratan O.I., Yastrebov G.A. Identification of real (homogeneous) social groups in Russian society: methods and results // Applied Econometrics. 2007. No. 3; Russian Neo-Etacratic Society and Its Stratification // Sociological Studies. 2008. No. 11; Shkaratan O.I., Yastrebov G.A. Entropy analysis as a method of non-hypothetical search for real (homogeneous) social groups. Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya. 2009. No. 2.
Bergman M., Joye D. Comparing Social Stratification Schemas: CAMSIS, CSP-CH, Goldthorpe, ISCO-88, Treiman, and Wright. Cambridge: Cambridge Studies in Social Research, 2001; Leiulfsrud H., Bison /., Jensberg H. Social Class in Europe. European Social Survey 2002/3. NTNU Social Research Ltd., 2005 and others.
Or, conversely, a non-class position: in the sense of the absence of "classes" as the main components of the social hierarchy in societies of a different non-Western European (more broadly, non-Atlantic) type.
The usual tools for studying the connections between phenomena in modern sociology are various modifications of the pairwise contingency coefficients, of which a huge number have been developed (Pearson, Spearman, Kendall, Cramer, Chuprov, etc.). Proposed in 1969 by I.N. Taganov, the space filling inhomogeneity coefficient HN based on the information entropy measure (see Section 2.3 for details) has the advantage in this sense that it can be considered as a kind of n-dimensional coupling coefficient.
To carry out the calculations, a program written in the Visual Basic language for Microsoft Excel a group of programmers led by SU-HSE Professor E.B. Ershov.
We are talking about cumbersome procedures that allow you to "straighten" the relevant information, taking into account indirect indicators and empirically calculated correction factors.
In the Russian part of the 3rd wave of the European Social Survey in 2006, the question was: "Which of the statements on this card most accurately describes your family's current income level?" Respondents were offered four answers: “1. We live on this income without experiencing financial difficulties”, “2. In principle, this income is enough for us”, “3. It is quite difficult to live on such an income”, “4. It is very difficult to live on such an income.” A similar question with similar answer options was also asked to citizens of other countries participating in the survey.
Spearman's rank correlation coefficient for these two indicators for the sample of all countries included in the ESS in 2006 was 0.577. It should be noted, however, that there is no single algorithm for bringing this scale to a comparable indicator for all countries participating in the survey. In particular, in Russia and Bulgaria, the interval scale of income in the 3rd wave of the ESS is represented by only 5 possible intervals (whereas in other countries - 12). In a more detailed study of the survey documentation [http://ess.nsd.uib.no/ess/round3/fieldwork.html], the author had questions about how these groupings were obtained, not to mention the possibility of their use in a comparative study .
In itself, the neighborhood with Portugal does not look strange, given the still tangible consequences of the harsh political regime of the dictator António de Salazar, who received the name “New State” and existed in this country until 1974. It is not surprising that the modern Russian regime is similar to Salazar’s, despite the fact that , which, since the liquidation of the latter almost 40 years ago, could not but affect the similarity of the social structure of these countries.
Chan T.W., Goldthorpe J.H. Class and Status: The Conceptual Distinction and its Empirical Relevance // American Sociological Review. 2007.72(4)
Ionov I.N. Postcolonial discourse in civilizational ideas of Latin America and Russia // Social sciences and modernity. 2008. No. 3; Shemyakin Ya.G. Europe and Latin America: The Interaction of Civilizations in the Context of World History. Moscow: Nauka, 2001; Shemyakin Ya.G."Borderline" civilizations on a planetary scale. Features and prospects of evolution // Latin America. 2007. No. 7.
In particular, see Shkaratan O.I., Yastrebov G.A. Russian Neo-Etacratic Society and Its Stratification // Sociological Studies. 2008. No. 11.
Teckenberg W. Die soziale Struktur der sowjetischen Arbeiterklasse im intemationalen Vergleich. Auf dem Wege zur industrialisierten Standegesellschaft? Munchen and Vienna 1977; Teckenberg W. The Social Structure of the Soviet Working Class. Toward an Estatist Society? // International Journal of Sociology. 1981-1982. 9 (4); Teckenberg W. The Stability of Occupational Structures, Social Mobility, and Interest Formation: The USSR as an Estatist Society in Comparison with Class Societies // International Journal of Sociology. N.Y. 1989. 19(2).
It should be added that in the sociology traditionally used in American and in a significant part of European sociology, Weber's concept of status groups, as shown by a thorough analysis of V. Tekkenberg and E. Scheuch, in essence, Weber himself is the concept of estates built on the basis of the prestige of an inherited position, and as well as lifestyle and level of formal education. And this is by no means surprising if we take into account that in German the concept of "estate" and "status" are expressed by the same word Stand. Nevertheless, the author adheres to the point of view according to which the "status group" is a generic concept in relation to the "estate".
Grusky D.B. The Past, Present and Future of Social Inequality / Grusky D.B.(Ed.) Social Stratification. Class, Race and Gender in Sociological Perspective. 2nd Edition. Westview Press, 2001. p. nine
Brooking E.N. intellectual capital. The key to success in the new millennium. St. Petersburg: "Peter", 2001; Himanen P., Castells M. The Information Society and the Welfare State: The Finnish Model. Per. from English. M.: "Logos", 2002; Castells M. Information Age. Economy, society and culture. Per. from English. under the scientific editorship of Professor O.I. Shkaratana. M.: GU-HSE, 2000; Wallerstein I. The end of the familiar world. Sociology XXI century. Per. from English. M.: "Logos", 2003.
Taken from http://ess.nsd.uib.no/ess/round3/fieldwork/Russian%20Federation.
The degree of heterogeneity in filling the space "occupation - level of education - income" for individual countries in full accordance with Figure 1 .
The use of this method assumed the use of "non-empty" observations, i.e. the absence of information on at least one of the measurements included in the analysis automatically served as a criterion for “culling out” observations. In this study, for each of the national samples, the share of such a “marriage” did not exceed 15%.
Those. Estonian citizens who are not ethnic Estonians.
The consolidation of the professional statuses of parents and respondents to three significantly different socio-professional groups was carried out in accordance with the following logic: highly qualified groups (managers, professionals, semi-professionals), medium-skilled workers (office workers, workers in the field of trade and consumer services), workers low-skilled (employed in agriculture, industrial workers, representatives of elementary professions). For more details, see application 2.

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Socialdifferentiation Excerpts from the section "Social Structure". Source: Semin S.A. Modern communication. Lecture course. Content Social structure 2 Social communities 2 Social differentiation 2 Signs of social differentiation 3 Foundations of social differentiation 4 Some stratification tendencies of contemporary Russian society 5

social structure

The content of the concept of structure includes a set of functionally dependent elements and links between them that form the internal structure of the object. The structure of the object is characterized by: the composition of the elements, the order of their arrangement, the nature of the relationship between them. The elements of social structures can be individuals, social communities and social institutions.

Social communities

Social communities are relatively stable aggregates of people who are distinguished by more or less similar conditions and lifestyles, more or less similar interests. Societies of various types are distinguished in accordance with the forms of joint life. Social communities are divided into:

statistical (nominal, having the form social categories, which is necessary for the purposes of statistical analysis), real. Real social communities are usually subdivided into mass (aggregates), group, small social groups and large social groups.

For example, the inhabitants of one city can be considered both as a statistical and as a real community. In the form of a statistical community, they appear, for example, in the data on registration or demographic information, they become a real community, for example, in the study of how they really use the urban conditions of life. Mass communities are collections of people who are not formally related to each other, but in the study they can be brought together on the basis of certain behavioral characteristics. Group communities usually include large and small social groups. Large social groups include:

ethnic communities (races, nations, nationalities, tribes), socio-territorial communities (aggregations of people permanently residing in a certain territory, formed on the basis of socio-territorial differences, having a similar lifestyle), socio-demographic communities (aggregates identified by sex and age signs), social classes and social strata (sets of people who have common social characteristics and perform similar functions in the system of social division of labor). Classes are distinguished according to the criterion of relation to ownership of the means of production and the nature of the appropriation of goods. Social strata (or strata) are distinguished on the basis of differences in the nature of work and lifestyle, and it is precisely the differences in lifestyle that act as the most obvious sign.

Social differentiation

Social differentiation is usually based on the socio-economic division of labor. The social division of labor presupposes the distribution and consolidation of occupations among the participants in the process of social production. In a sociological sense, social production implies the reproduction by society of itself, i.e. the production of material objects, complexes, ideas necessary for life, the reproduction of certain relations between people, as well as the replenishment of the population itself.

The types of social division of labor include:

gender and age division of labor, subject specialization, functional division of labor, in particular, the division of production and management.

The socio-economic heterogeneity of labor is described in terms of various parameters. These include the division of labor into:

organizational and performing, mental and physical, qualified and unskilled, self-organized and regulated, creative and stereotypical, etc.

Different access to the resources of property and power is also considered at the basis of social differentiation. Property implies relations between the participants in the production process regarding the disposal, ownership and appropriation of the means of production and the product of labor. Power is the ability of social actors to determine goals and directions of activity for other actors in their own interests, as well as manage resources, form and impose norms of behavior, provide privilege. The socio-economic division of labor creates social differences and thus creates the basis for social inequality.

Signs of social differentiation

Social differentiation can be described in terms of the differences that exist between individuals and groups in the context social system. The following are usually distinguished as the main features that fix such differences. Economic sign. In this case, the presence or absence of private property, the type and amount of income, and the material well-being of individuals and groups are considered as indicators. With regard to individuals and groups, such distinctions are made - owners and those who do not have private property, highly paid and low-paid layers, rich, moderately well-off, poor. labor sign(division of labor). In this case, the sphere of application of labor, the type and nature of labor, and the level of qualification are considered as indicators. In relation to individuals and groups, such distinctions are made - workers in various spheres of social production, highly skilled and low-skilled workers. power sign(the amount of power). In this case, the ability to influence others through official position is considered as indicators. With regard to individuals and groups, such distinctions are made - ordinary workers, managers at various levels, heads of public administration at various levels. Among the additional signs of social differentiation are the following:

gender and age characteristics that affect the social status, ethnic or national characteristics, religious affiliation, cultural and worldview positions, family ties.

Among the signs of social differentiation that determine the way of life of people and their level of consumption of goods are the following:

area of ​​residence, size and type of dwelling, places of recreation and entertainment, quality of medical care, consumption of cultural goods, in particular the volume and nature of the education received, the volume and nature of the information received and the cultural products consumed.

The use of signs of social differentiation in relation to a particular social system makes it possible to represent it as a kind of hierarchy of social groups and communities. In such a picture, the results of the stratification of society - social stratification - are recorded. Social stratification is a hierarchically ranked social inequality, as well as a process in which individuals and groups are unequal to each other and hierarchically grouped in accordance with certain social characteristics.

Foundations of social differentiation

Each type of social system is assigned its own character of social stratification and its own way of establishing it. Physical-genetic type of the system. Differentiation is based on natural features - gender, age, physical data. As a way of determining differences, physical coercion, custom, is used. Slave type of system. Differentiation is based on property rights and citizenship. Military coercion is used as a way of determining differences. Cast type of system. The differentiation is based on the religious and ethnic division of labor. Mythology and religious ritual are used as a way of determining differences. Estate type of the system. Differentiation is based on obligations to the state. Law is used as a way of determining differences. Etacratic type of system(where the supreme power of the state is). Differentiation is based on ranks in the power hierarchy. Military-political domination is used as a way of determining differences. The class type of the system. Differentiation is based on the size of ownership (mainly on the means of production). Market exchange is used as a way of determining differences. Socio-professional type of system. Differentiation is based on occupation and qualifications. Educational certificates are used as a way to determine differences. Cultural-normative type of system. Differentiation is based on lifestyles. Moral regulation and imitation are used as a way of determining differences. Cultural-symbolic type of system. The basis of differentiation is the possession of sacred knowledge. Various types of manipulation are used as a way of determining differences - religious, technocratic, ideological. Each real social system can be considered as a complex combination of various types of stratification systems and their transitional forms.

Some Stratification Tendencies of Modern Russian Society

There is a gradual formation of the class system of society, while the etacratic type of social differentiation retains its influence. There are changes in the structure of employment. New professions appear, the sphere of self-employment develops. Prerequisites are being formed for the use of a socio-professional model. Property-based polarization occurs. Layers of the super-rich and those who are below the poverty line are being formed, that is, the basis for a social hierarchy based on property is being formed. The relevance for the physico-genetic system of stratification still remains.

1. Abstracts of the XXVII Samara Regional

   Abstracts

   April 12, 1961 forever entered the history of our Motherland, in the history of all mankind. On this day, a spacecraft with a senior lieutenant, who became a major that day, Yuri Gagarin, flew around the globe on board

2. Management of the organization of agricultural labor remuneration

   abstract

   The work was carried out at the Department of Entrepreneurship and Agribusiness of the Federal State Educational Institution of Higher vocational education Ural State Agricultural Academy.

3. The educational and methodological complex was approved and recommended for publication by the Department of Civil Law Disciplines Protocol dated January 19, 2011 No. 5 Reviewer: Medvedev O. M., Doctor of Law, Professor

   Training and metodology complex

   The academic discipline "Labor Law" is included in the federal component of the State Educational Standard of Higher Professional Education in the field of study (bachelor) 030500.

4. Abstracts of the XX xvi Samara Regional

   Abstracts

   April 4, 2010 would have been 90 years of V.P. Lukachev - rector from 1956 to 1988. Kuibyshev Order of the Red Banner of Labor Aviation Institute named after Academician S.

5. Tkachev Valentin Nikolaevich theoretical and practical problems of legal regulation of insolvency (bankruptcy) of special categories of subjects competition

   Contest

   Lead organization - State educational institution higher professional education "All-Russian State Tax Academy of the Ministry of Finance Russian Federation»

3.1 Social stratification and mobility

Select all correct judgments about social stratification.

The element of the social structure of society is the state.

To determine the social structure of society, a significant feature is the profession

The most important criterion for the economic differentiation of modern society is religious views.

The social community "workers are educated" on the basis of stratification.

Social relations in modern Russia are characterized by the growth of the industrial proletariat.

2. Select all correct judgments about social stratification.

1) Social inequality characterizes the position in relation to each other of various people and their associations.

2) Inequality existed in society at different stages of its development.

3) The class type of social stratification is universal.

4) In economically developed countries, blue-collar workers make up the majority of the population

5) Castes, estates, classes, strata are social groups inherent in medieval society.

3. Establish a correspondence between the features of social relations and the type of social stratification

FEATURES OF PUBLIC TYPES OF STRATIFICATION

RELATIONSHIPS

a) legal consolidation of rights and obligations 1) caste

for the main social groups 2) class

b) predominantly hereditary character 3) class

belonging to the elite of society

c) prohibition of movement from one

social group to another

d) the division into groups is based on differences

in the nature of labor, the size and forms of its payment

e) a ban on marriages with representatives of other groups

4. Below is a list of social groups. All of them, with the exception of one, are religiously educated. Find and indicate a social group that "drops out" of their series, formed on a different basis.

Orthodox, Muslims, Buddhists, Protestants, liberals, Catholics.

5.. Write down the word missing in the diagram(estates)

6. Establish a correspondence between the types of social mobility and their examples: for each position given in the first column, select the corresponding position from the second column.

Examples of social mobility Types of social mobility

A) dismissal of an employee 1) vertical

B) the transition from the Orthodox religious

groups to catholic 2) horizontal

C) the turner became an engineer

G) international tourism

D) moving from one company to another

7.. Read the text below with a number of words missing.

The term "stratification" comes from geology, where it refers to the vertical arrangement of the earth's layers. Sociology has likened the structure of _________ (A) to the structure of the earth and placed social strata (strata) also vertically. The basis is the ladder ______ __ (B): the less wealthy occupy the lower step. The rich from the upper stratum tend to have more high level education. They also have a large volume of _______ (B). In addition, in public ____ (D) one or another __________ (D), position, occupation enjoys varying degrees of respect. Therefore, all professions that exist in society can be placed from top to bottom on the ladder of professional _________ (E).

1. prestige 2. mobility 3. income 4. opinion

5 inequality 6. profession 7. power 8. authority 9. society

Part 2

1. Analyze the situation. After graduating from the institute, the young man N. got a job as a manager in a commercial bank. Some time later, he completed advanced training courses, after which he was appointed executive director of the bank. Changes also occurred in N.'s personal life: he married the daughter of a bank owner. What social process can this situation illustrate? What factors played a decisive role here? What are they called in sociology?

What is the meaning of social scientists in the concept of "social group"? Drawing on the knowledge of the social science course, make two sentences: one containing information about the types of "social group", and one sentence about its role.

What is the meaning of social scientists in the concept of "quasigroup"? Drawing on the knowledge of the social science course, make two sentences: one containing information about the properties of the “quasi-group”, and one sentence about who is included in it.

List three institutions that act as social elevators in modern society and illustrate each with an example.

KEY.

3.1. Social stratification and mobility

Part 2

1. Analyze the situation. After graduating from the institute, the young man N. got a job as a manager in a commercial bank. Some time later, he completed advanced training courses, after which he was appointed executive director of the bank. Changes also occurred in N.'s personal life: he married the daughter of a bank owner. What social process can this situation illustrate? What factors played a decisive role here? What are they called in sociology?

Illustrates vertical upward mobility.

The main factors that played a decisive role in this process are: education, marriage to a person with a higher status.

In sociology, these factors are called channels (“lifts”) of social mobility.

2. What is the meaning of social scientists in the concept of "social group"? Drawing on the knowledge of the social science course, make two sentences containing information about the "social group".

a social group is a stable collection of people that has distinct, only inherent features (social status, interests, value orientations).

Suggestion examples:

The emergence of social groups is associated with the social division of labor and the specialization of human activity.

A social group is an intermediary between an individual and society as a whole. Social groups can be of various sizes - small and large, as well as formal and informal.

3. What is the meaning of social scientists in the concept of "quasigroup"? Drawing on the knowledge of the social science course, make two sentences containing information about the "quasi-group".

a quasi-group is an unstable, informal set of people, united, as a rule, by one or very few types of interaction, having an indefinite structure, system of values ​​and norms.

Sample sentences: The main properties of quasi-groups include anonymity, suggestibility, social contagion, unconsciousness. Quasi-groups most often exist for a short time, after which they either completely disintegrate, or, under the influence of the situation, turn into stable social groups. Quasi-groups include the audience, fan group, crowd, etc.

4.Army, education, church

Option number 1

PART A

A1

The most important criterion for the economic differentiation of modern society is

A2
According to which of the indicated features is the social community "workers" formed?

A3
The director of an enterprise makes decisions about hiring and firing employees - this is an example of his

A4
Are the following judgments about a person's social status correct?
A. All social statuses are formally defined, enshrined and protected by law.

B. All social statuses are acquired from birth.

A5
A less wealthy person cannot get advice from a specialist doctor. This example is an illustration

Are the following judgments about the social roles of a person correct?

A. Society imposes certain social roles on people.

B. Acceptance of a social role, its performance always has a personal coloring.

A7
In the country of L., 20% of the richest families own 75% of the total number of shares in industrial enterprises. At the same time, more than 30% of families are below the poverty line. This example is an illustration

A8
The grandfather of citizen K. was a peasant, her mother was a veterinarian, K., having received a secondary education, moved to the city and, after graduating from the institute, works as a teacher in the city lyceum. This example is an illustration

A9
Which social phenomenon illustrates the following historical fact: in the Middle Ages, the former slave Gebbon became the archbishop of Reims?

A10

The common social role of the child and the adult is the role

PART B

IN 1
Below is a list of social groups. All of them, with the exception of one, are religiously educated. Find and indicate the social group "dropping out" of their series, formed on a different basis.

Orthodox, Muslims, Buddhists, Protestants, liberals, Catholics.
Answer: ______________________________________________.

IN 2
Read the text below, each position of which is numbered. 1. Data from the 2002 All-Russian Population Census show that the number of women is 10 million more than the number of men. 2. There are 1147 women per 1000 men. 3. The predominance of the number of women over the number of men has been observed since the age of 33. 4. It is not difficult to assume that such a ratio has an adverse effect on the institution of marriage and the family.

Determine which provisions of the text are worn
A) actual character

B) the nature of value judgments.
Write under the position number the letter denoting its nature. Write down the resulting sequence of letters in the table and transfer it to the answer sheet (without spaces or other symbols).

1	2	3	4

PART C

C1

Give three examples illustrating the different ways in which people move from one group to another.

Write your answer on the back of the form or on a separate sheet.

Test number 8. Diversity of social groups. social roles. Inequality and social stratification. social mobility.

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transcript

2 Introduction The content of the specialty "Social Structure, Social Institutions and Processes" is the analysis of society as a complex hierarchical system that is in the process of functioning, in the context of conflicting trends and factors associated with globalization and regionalization. In this regard, the ongoing processes of transformation of the social and structural relations of society according to various criteria, new forms of social stratification, radical changes in the trends and directions of social mobility, value orientations of individuals and groups, and models of their behavior are being analyzed. The study of these problems should be carried out on the basis of state and departmental statistics, analysis of materials from sociological research data, own empirical data, as well as data from world sociological science. The objects of study are the specific state and level of integration and disintegration in the social space of modern Russian society, its individual elements, their hierarchical subordination. Particular attention is paid to the objective dialectic of relations of equality and inequality between the elements of the social stratification structure at different levels of the social space. This allows us to offer reasonable recommendations in the field of social policy, which have a wide social significance, both at the federal, and at the regional and sectoral levels. Passing the candidate exam in the specified specialty is conditioned by the profile approved by the Higher Attestation Commission for the specialized council of the Federal State Budgetary Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education "Altai State University» for the defense of candidate and doctoral dissertations. The applicant for the degree of candidate of sociological sciences, 10 days before passing the exam, presents to the examination committee: a) the plan of the dissertation; b) a program of empirical sociological research on its topic; c) the most worked out fragments of the dissertation, as a rule, the first chapter. The examinee answers two questions (one from each section of the following program) and characterizes their research in the context of these questions. In order to comply with the latter condition, the exam is conducted not on tickets, but on program questions chosen by the examiners, taking into account the topic of the dissertation research.

3 Section. I. PROGRAM-MINIMUM candidate's examination in the specialty "Social structure, social institutions and processes" in sociological sciences Social structure and social stratification. The concept of "socio-stratification structure of society". Different Criteria of Social Stratification Social structure is the most important problem of sociological science. Social stratification is the most important component of social structure. The concept of social structure. A systemic view of society as a set of interrelated and interacting elements. Social differences between people. Hierarchical ranking. The concept of social stratification: uneven distribution of rights, privileges, responsibilities and duties, the presence or absence of social values, power and influence among members of a particular community. Three main criteria of social stratification: economic, political and professional. The concept of "socio-stratification structure of society" as a multidimensional, hierarchically organized social space in which social groups and strata differ in the degree of possession of power, property and social status. Social inequality of people. Various ways of organizing inequality: by K. Marx, M. Weber, P. Sorokin, P. Bourdieu and others. Multidimensional social stratification. Basic methodological approaches to the study of social structure. One-dimensionality and multidimensionality of stratification Traditional for the Soviet period class approach to the study of the social structure of society. Basic classes and social groups. The modern paradigm of the study of social stratification. The main criteria for stratification. Multidimensional hierarchical approach. Formation of new socio-group self-identifications and resource groups. Elements of the socio-stratification structure. The concepts of "social stratum" and "social group"; their objective and subjective definition. Group social distance Social communities, principles of their formation. Similar, identical functions and the statuses caused by them, social roles, cultural needs, ethnic characteristics, etc. The role of solidarity in the formation, effectiveness, and functioning of the community as an association.

4 Main types of communication: social contacts and social interactions. Types of social communities: social circle and social groups. Definition of a social group. Small groups and large groups. Formal and informal groups. Social groups: target groups. The concept of a social stratum (stratum). Criteria (lines) of differentiation according to P.A. Sorokin: citizenship, nationality, occupation, economic status, religious affiliation, etc. Objective and subjective definition of the social stratum (stratum). Group social distance. Theories of social differentiation / integration. Criteria of socio-economic differentiation The problems of social integration and disintegration, harmony and conflict are the key problems of classical sociological theory and the main field of sociological analysis. Definition of social integration and disintegration. Criteria of socio - economic differentiation: property, power, income and other dominant in the stratification of society. social background, social status, educational level, place of residence, nationality, etc. Transformational social stratification processes of modern Russian society. The main ways of forming a new social structure The concept of "transformation". New forms of social disintegration and differentiation at the macro level and at the level of social and production structures; a new system of relations of equality-inequality, integration-disintegration in the social space. Changing the relationship between forms of ownership, institutions of power, the disappearance of some groups and strata, the emergence of others, the fragmentation of others, the change in the social role and status of the fourth, etc. A complex of factors that determine the scale, trends, depth and characteristics of the transformation of the social structure in transforming societies: structural changes in the economy; profound changes associated with changes in the employment system; a decrease in the standard of living of the vast majority of the population; social anomie. The main trends in the transformation of the social structure of modern Russian society are: the deepening of social inequality and the marginalization of a significant part of the population. Ways of forming a new social structure, its composition: pluralization of forms of ownership; transformation of the state form

5 property; the emergence of new layers (strata) based on the interaction of different forms of ownership. The formation of civil society in Russia, its elements and structure The concept of civil society Analysis of the main elements of civil society. Features of the formation of civil society in Russia. Social inequality, main indicators and development trends. The processes of deepening social inequality and their dynamics The nature of social inequality The main trends in the transformation of the social structure. Trends in the transformation of the social structure of modern Russian society. The processes of impoverishment of the population and growing social stratification as factors in the emergence of hypertrophied forms of social inequality. Historical and theoretical analysis of the formation of new social group communities, their interaction and hierarchy Transformation of the configuration of the social class structure of society, the quantitative ratio of the number of workers, employees, intelligentsia, peasants, as well as their role. The problem of socio-structural processes, their determination by qualitative changes in property relations, power, in the level of incomes of various strata and groups of the population. New social strata and communities at the transitional stage of development of Russian society. The phenomenon of marginalization of entire social groups, and social disintegration. Subjective characteristics of social relations. The process of self-identification of individuals with social communities. Characteristics processes of social stratification Characteristics of modern Russian society as a society with strong social polarization. The process of redistributing labor and capital to more efficient sectors of the economy. The social structure of modern Russian society and its extreme social instability. Pluralization of forms of ownership and the formation of new economic classes in Russia: the class of owners and the class of hired workers Economic reforms and the transformation of the basis of society, the pluralization of forms of ownership, as a reason for changing its social structure: the disappearance of some, the emergence of other social strata and strata.

6 The process of becoming a class of owners and a class of employees. Contradictions between the new classes in labor, the sphere of labor motivation related to it, the financial situation and the overall quality of life. Social dynamics and adaptation of individual groups and strata in a transforming society Social adaptation to dynamically changing conditions of the social environment. The state of adaptation is a characteristic of the relationship of an individual with external environment. Its features in modern Russia (displacement of norms and values ​​that have existed for several generations). Employees, their social differentiation depending on the sector of employment, professional and industry affiliation, region of residence Employees in Russia, as an element of the macrostructure of the whole society, are a socially differentiated part of the population. Levels of differentiation by position in the mesostructure and microstructure of society. The social content of the working class in modern Russia; a new interpretation of its essence, social composition, dynamics. Social characteristics of the working class in comparison with other strata or groups of the employed population. Change in social status and deformation of the Russian intelligentsia, its professional differentiation. Directions of the process of erosion of the intelligentsia. Blurring the boundaries between highly skilled educated workers and specialists with higher education who are not connected with the authorities. The position of the rural producer. Erosion of dominant state property. There are two types of owners: individual (farming) and collective, developing on the basis of state farms and collective farms. Social uncertainty of producers in the world of a spontaneously emerging market. The problem of marginalization of the Russian population; concept of marginal layer. Elite transformation; economic and political elite, their composition, functions, dynamics of development. Formation of the institution of power The concept of the elite. The political elite, the business elite, as an integral part of the ruling elite. Nomenclature outlines of power in Russia The process of concentration of power not only in politics, but also in the economy. The structure of the new Russian elite: politicians, entrepreneurs, law enforcement agencies.

7 The phenomenon of unemployment in Russia; features of formation, indicators of development Unemployment rate as an important characteristic of social inequality. Replacing the "dismissal" of workers with flexible wage regimes (unpaid leave, low wages, etc.). Property differentiation of strata of Russian society Increasing property differentiation, falling real monetary incomes of the population, changes in the structure of consumption. Rich and poor in Russia. Their quantitative and qualitative indicators. The concept of "living wage". Social stratification according to material indicators (capital, income, property). The struggle for the redistribution of spheres of influence of diverse elites. The middle income group of the population and the middle class. The composition of the "old" and "new" middle strata. Transformation of boundaries and criteria of class and social division. The role of social institutions in the transformation of the social structure of society Social institutions in the system of social ties. Formal and informal social connections. Formal social institutions, their common feature. Formal social institutions as a factor determining the strength of society. The development of society through the development of social institutions. Reregulation of social institutions as a result of the confrontation of social forces. Power relations and their place in the system of structure-forming features Criterion of power as one of the main criteria of social stratification. The principal feature of power relations is their direct unobservability. The nature of power, its direction, structure and hierarchy, revealed by indirect signs: by the nature of coercion (moral, legal, economic, etc.), by the peculiarities of coordinating various actions in a division of labor. Social mobility, its main directions and types. Social mobility as a factor in changing the contours of social stratification The concept of "social mobility", its main directions and types. The orientation of social mobility, her. scale and intensity. Two types of social mobility: group and individual.

8 Social mobility in modern Russia. Different strategies of adaptive behavior of people. Changes in the mechanisms of social mobility as a result of the transition to market economy. Social functions of the education system Education as a factor of social stratification Functionality and dysfunctionality of vocational education. Labor market and vocational education. Autonomy of labor in the socio-structural space: levels, indicators, factors. Socio-production structures and the transformation of socio-structural relations The problem of the subject's autonomy in the aspect of building a democratic society. Autonomy, its main elements and levels. Decision making, control, control. Social autonomy as the ability to make and implement responsible decisions. Labor autonomy is a component of social autonomy. Relationship between labor autonomy and occupational structure. System of hierarchical relations: executor-leader. Social-group, social-layer differentiation. Socio-corporate type of relations arising on the basis of corporations of owners - labor collectives. group integration. Labor motivation in the system of qualification and content of the employee's labor and its change in modern conditions. Problems of social conflicts, social tension Growth of conflict in the conditions of rigid property division of society and falling production. Decrease in social justice in the division of the public domain, leading to a persistent and high percentage of negative assessments of the activities of the state. The opposition of the interests of various social groups in Russia, as a not fully formed civil society, is a manifestation of group, corporate egoism. The problem of unification of society on the terms of compromise of social subjects. Young people in the labor market, their employment prospects Age cohorts in the system of social and structural relations New participants in the socio-cultural process and "massive new contact" with the old heritage - a new social phenomenon. Growing differentiation of life paths. Orientation of Russian youth towards a mobile type of career with frequent job changes and profession changes; work in non-productive sectors of the economy

9 (trade, consumer services, education, science, sports). Regional features of the youth labor market. Health of the population in the social context The modern paradigm of studying the social structure involves a multidimensional hierarchical approach that uses various criteria, which include the quality of the health of the population. Factors influencing the formation of a healthy generation as a criterion of social differentiation. The institution of the family as a factor in the stratification of society The family and the school are the fundamental institutions of the socialization of the younger generation. Influence on these institutes of change of social conditions and transition from one social and economic relations to qualitatively opposite. The socio-political nature of the realization of the family's ability to reproduce new generations. The subjective aspect of social stratification The problem of a person's awareness of his social position, place in the social hierarchy. Changes in the attitude of social structure in the mass consciousness. Social identification, its main types: social group, social layer identification. Types of identification behavior. Basic procedures for the study of the socio-stratification structure Analysis of state statistics materials. The use of historiographic methods. Analysis of documents and materials, periodicals and other publications. Secondary analysis of sociological research materials. Identification of the general for the Russian Federation and regionally - special in the processes under consideration. Development of a sample that takes into account the main indicators (demographic, statistical, social) of the general population. Questionnaire survey of the population in accordance with the agreed sample. Survey of experts. for preliminary testing of the list of social indicators and for determining the initial requirements for the sample. Multivariate analysis of sociological information, identification of significant relationships, and correlations between the initial values. Theoretical analysis of empirical information is the final stage of the work. Formulation of new theoretical generalizations and conclusions based on the logical and methodological consideration of empirical data.

10 Section. II. SUPPLEMENTARY PROGRAM TOPIC 1. Attributes of sociological science Object and subject of sociology. Genesis of ideas and modern discussions about the subject of sociology. General and specific in the definitions of the subject of sociology in modern Russian textbooks, its characterization from the standpoint of monism and polyparadigmality of modern sociological knowledge. The relationship of sociology with other sciences of society and man. Specificity of sociological thinking and knowledge. Interdisciplinary social research. The method of sociology, the essence of disputes about it in the history of sociology and in modern Russian sociology. Specificity of methods of sociological research. sociological laws. Categories of sociology and their series. Initial (basic, primary) categories of sociology. The system of initial categories of the candidate's dissertation research. Functions of sociology in society. Functional specifics of dissertation sociological research. Professional code of a sociologist, professional ethics of a specialist in the field of sociology. TOPIC 2. Levels of sociological knowledge. Multilevel sociology: causes and consequences. Methodological level of sociological knowledge. Polyparadigm and monism in sociology. Traditional and new sociological paradigms. Characteristics of the paradigms (s) of the candidate's dissertation research. General scientific and general humanitarian methods in sociology. Specifically sociological methods, characteristics of the dissertation research methods of the applicant. Positivism, neopositivism, postpositivism and antipositivism as methodological orientations of sociologists. Theoretical sociology and its structure. Theoretical pluralism of sociology: causes and consequences. Correlation between polyparadigm and monism in modern sociology. "Big" sociological theories, their purpose and varieties. Characteristics of general sociological theories underlying the dissertation research. Argumentation of the choice of theoretical orientations of the applicant. The concept of the vital forces of social subjects and its significance in the study of social structure, social institutions and processes. Sociological theories of the "middle" level: essence, purpose, varieties. Characteristics of the TSU used by the dissertation student:

11 authorship, theoretical content, links with general sociological concepts and paradigms, degree of validity and approbation, heuristic possibilities. Private, sectoral and special sociological theories, their relationship with TSU. The content of private and/or special theories used in the dissertation research. Argumentation of their heuristic value for dissertation research. Empirical Sociology: Academic and Applied Contexts. The purpose of empirical sociological research, their typology. Preparation for conducting empirical sociological research. The program of empirical sociological research, its mandatory components and rules for their development. Characterization of the theoretical and methodological part of the sociological research of the dissertation research: a real social and scientific problem, the degree of its study, initial concepts, their operationalization, working hypotheses. Validity of empirical sociological research and ways to achieve it. TOPIC 3. Branches of sociology The multi-branch nature of sociology: causes and consequences. Typologies of branches of sociology. Branches of sociology distinguished by: a) subjects of social activity; b) spheres of life of society; c) close interconnectedness of sociology with other sciences about society and man. Qualification of dissertation research in an industry context. Characteristics of the branches of sociology within which the dissertation research is being carried out. Branch specialization of sociologists: due and real. Minimum sociological knowledge required for sociologists of all specializations. TOPIC 4. Organization of empirical sociological research. Sample set: application conditions and calculation rules. Rules for ensuring the representativeness of empirical sociological research, problems of reliability of tools. Organizational-technical and working plan of empirical sociological research. TOPIC 5. Methods of collecting sociological information, their tools and technologies. Document analysis: traditional and content analysis. Types of documents, their classification. Methodology and tools. Sociological observation: conditions of application, requirements for

12 toolkit. Included and non-included observation. Ethical problems arising in the application of surveillance. Questioning methods. Varieties and specifics of the application of the questionnaire method. Interview: types, design features and tools. Expert interview as a special type of survey method. Telephone survey. Cognitive-research possibilities of survey methods and gaps in their application. Method of peer review. Classification of expert methods. Stages of preparation, implementation and analysis of the results. Sociometric methods. Methodology and procedures for conducting, developing tools, features of conducting. Processing and analysis of sociological data. Certification and mapping of social objects: conditions of application. biographical method. Biographical method in qualitative research. Sources of information in biographical research. Life story. Family history. The problem of the truth of memories and possible ways to solve it. The use of different types of interviews in biographical research. Analysis of visual information and personal documents. Sociological experiment. The specifics of the use of the experiment in sociological research, its possibilities and limits of application. Logical structure of the experiment. Basic schemes of the experiment, conditions of application. Types of experiments. Case study method (case-stady). The essence of the research strategy of the case study method. Stages of field work, technique and tools in relation to the case study method. CASE STUDY as a strategy for qualitative sociological research. The essence of the case study research strategy. The history of the development of the method. Case study identification criteria. Modern definitions and methodological principles. The concept of R. Yin. Cognitive possibilities of case study. Case study design. Stages of field work. Methods of integration of expert assessments. Definition of the peer review method. Methodological substantiation of the application of the peer review method in sociological research, its functions, main purpose. Areas of application of the method. The place of the peer review method in the system of sociological research methods. Classification of expert methods. Testing within the peer review method. Procedures and tools for conducting an expert survey. Preparatory stage: its main characteristics. The problem of measurement: requirements for the scale of expert judgments. Stage of selection of experts: search for potential experts, assessment of the competence of experts, determination of the number of expert groups. The stage of collecting expert information: its procedural features, the advantages of feedback procedures without direct interaction of experts (Delphi method, qualitative feedback method, individual feedback method). Stage

13 analysis of expert information: its procedures and purpose. Methods for processing expert judgments. Advantages, difficulties, typical shortcomings in the application of expert methods in sociology. "Brainstorm". BOU. Characteristics of the BOU method as a discussion of the problems of the microsociety by the participants in the discussion. Possibilities of the BOU method and questioning. The principle of triangulation in the BOU methodology. Requirements for the formation of research groups and a group of representatives of the studied microsociety. Analysis of secondary sources of information. The content of the procedures, tools and techniques of the BOU methodology. Use of methods of observation, testing and interviews before the field stage of the BOU. Focus group. The concept of a focus group. The focus group method is a qualitative method of collecting sociological information. The place of the focus group method in the system of sociological research methods. Group dynamics and ethnographic approach as the main methodological principles of the focus group method. Methodological procedures for conducting a focus group. Methods of "snowball", video recording, "one-way mirror" and others. The decisive role of the moderator (the organizer of the discussion) in the focus group. Focus group data analysis methods. Content analysis. Method of intergroup comparisons. Linguistic analysis. Discourse analysis. Video data analysis. Drawing up a report on the results of the focus group. Limits and scope of the focus group method. Problem wheel. TOPIC 6. Methods of processing and analysis of sociological information Possibilities of using statistical processing of the results of sociological research. Forms of presentation of sociological data used by the dissertation statistical packages (Da-system, SPSS, etc.). Statistical grouping of information as a way of processing the results of sociological research. Contingency tables as a tool for analyzing the relationship of social characteristics. Different types of interest, their cognitive capabilities. Correlation analysis. The specifics of the relationship between qualitative and quantitative variables. Ability to work with methods of multiple comparisons. Regression analysis. Essence and logic of regression analysis of empirical data. Types of regressions, equations and regression coefficients. Cognitive possibilities and limitations of regression analysis of the results of sociological research. Factor analysis. The FA model as a model of latent variables. Sociological significance of the feature space dimension reduction method. Conditions for applying the rotation of the matrix of factor loads. Characterization of the methods used by the dissertation for processing and analyzing the information received.

14 Literature Passing the candidate exam must know how the provisions of the above program and the problems of the topic being developed are revealed in the following, at least, publications: 1. Batygin G. S. History of sociology: textbook / G. S. Batygin, D. G. Podvoisky . - M.: Higher Education and Science, p.. - (Sociology) 2. Volkov Yu. G. Sociology: textbook / Yu. G. Volkov; ed. V. I. Dobrenkov. - 5th ed. - M.: Dashkov and K; [Rostov n/a]: Science Spectrum, p. 3. Goncharov V.D. Methodology and ideology of innovation-technical and socio-economic development: textbook. allowance / V. D. Goncharov, V. A. Dorofeev; AltGTU. - Barnaul: Publishing House. house Barnaul, s. 4. Devyatko I. F. Methods of sociological research: textbook. allowance / I. F. Devyatko. - M. : KDU, p. : ill. 5. Zheltov VV History of Western sociology: stages, ideas, schools: textbook. allowance for universities / V. V. Zheltov, M. V. Zheltov. - M.: Academ. Project; M.: Gaudeamus, p.. - (gaudeamus) 6. Kravchenko AI History of sociology: textbook / AI Kravchenko; Moscow State University M. V. Lomonosov (Moscow). - M.: Prospect, p. 7. Kravchenko A. I. Sociology: textbook. for universities / A. I. Kravchenko, V. F. Anurin. - St. Petersburg. ; M.; N. Novgorod: Peter, p. : ill .. - (Textbook for universities) 8. General sociology: textbook. allowance / under total. ed. A. G. Efendiyeva. - M. : INFRA-M, p. allowance / P. D. Pavlenok, L. I. Savinov. - M.: Dashkov i K, p. 10. Smekhnova G.P. Fundamentals of applied sociology: textbook. allowance / G. P. Smekhnova. - Ed. correct and additional .. - M .: Vuzovsky textbook, p .. - (Vuzovsky textbook) 11. Sokolov SV Sociology: textbook. allowance for universities / SV Sokolov. - M.: FORUM, p.. - ([Higher education]) 12. Sociology: textbook. for universities / ed. V. N. Lavrinenko. - 3rd ed., revised. and additional .. - M .: UNITI-[DANA], p .. - (Golden Fund of Russian textbooks) 13. Sociology: textbook. for universities / Yu. G. Volkov, V. I. Dobrenkov, V. N. Nechipurenko [and others]. - Ed. 3rd. - M.: Gardariki, p.. - (disciplinae) 14. Sociology: textbook / St. Petersburg State University, Fak. sociology; ed. N. G. Skvortsova. - Ed. 2nd, revised. and additional .. - M .: Prospect, p. 15. Sociology. General course: textbook / [V. I. Kondaurov and others]. - M. : INFRA-M, p. - (Higher education: ser. basic in 1996)

15 16. Sociology. Fundamentals of the general theory: textbook / Acad. study.-scient. Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow State University; resp. ed. G. V. Osipov, L. N. Moskvichev. - 2nd ed., corrected. and additional .. - M .: NORMA, p. 17. Tatarova G. Fundamentals of typological analysis in sociological research: textbook. allowance / Galina Tatarova. - M.: Higher Education and Science, p. RAN. Institute of Sociology. Fundam Center. sociology; Under the editorship of s.p. Bankovskaya. -M.: Book House University. H s. 19. Theoretical sociology: Anthology: [Translated from English, French, German, Italian] / MVShSEN; RAN. Institute of Sociology. Fundam Center. sociology; Ed. S.P. Bankovskoy.-M.: Book House University. H s. 20. Toshchenko Zh. T. Sociology: textbook. for universities / Zh. T. Toshchenko. - 3rd ed., revised. and additional .. - M.: UNITI-[DANA], p.. - () 21. Shimko EA Fundamentals of research activities: textbook. allowance / E. A. Shimko; AltGU. - Barnaul: AltGU Publishing House, p. 22. Shpak LL History of domestic sociology: textbook. allowance / L. L. Shpak; KemGU. - Kemerovo: [Kuzbassvuzizdat], p.. - (Educational literature of the KemGU)

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MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION Federal State Budgetary Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education "Pacific State University"

Review of the official opponent Mikhailov Andrey Pavlovich Doctor of Sociological Sciences, Professor for the dissertation of Kurnosenko Andrey Anatolyevich “Internet in the process of forming the legal culture of youth

PROGRAM of the entrance test for applicants to the magistracy of the Faculty of Sociology, direction 39.04.01 Sociology (master's programs "Sociology of Law", "Sociology of Management", "Sociology

Contents 2 Page 1. Name and scope of use. 3 2. Foundation. 3 3. Purpose and purpose. 3 4. Sources. 3 5. Requirements. 4 6. Contents 5 7. Form of control 8 8. List of recommended documents.

MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION Federal State Budgetary Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education "Adyghe State University" Department

MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION Federal State Budgetary Educational Institution of Higher Education "NATIONAL RESEARCH MOSCOW STATE CONSTRUCTION

1. The goals of mastering the discipline The goal of teaching the discipline "Methodological foundations of research work, sociological and applied research in the field of theory and history of architecture, restoration

SOCIOLOGY OF MANAGEMENT 1. Purpose and objectives of the discipline

FEDERAL STATE BUDGETARY EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION OF HIGHER EDUCATION "ALTAI STATE UNIVERSITY" PROGRAM of entrance examination in social studies for admission to study